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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1870, by 

In the Clerk s Office of the District Court of the United States for the Eastern 
District of Pennsylvania. 

T H E 


Instituted 1870, 














IT is proposed by the Council to include in future vol 
umes, among other papers of historical interest, Sketches 
of Nazareth and the adjacent settlements, by James Henry, 
and a complete Bibliotheca Moraviensis, by the Rev. Ed 
mund de Schweinitz. At the same time it desires it to be 
understood that it is not answerable for any opinions or 
observations that may appear in the publications of the 
Association, the Editors of the several works being alone 
responsible for the same. 

The edition of these Memorials being limited and 
the cost thereby enhanced, the Council finds it neces 
sary to rigorously .abstain, frpjri ^ incurring all additional 
expense, such as thai of- psfesefttitioii copies, of commis 
sion, of adve.rtjs;;%/d(e.; r ^d hfcnfce too it would hereby 
solicit the co-operation of all subscribers in furthering the 
interests of the Association, by extending its membership 
among their friends and acquaintances. 

The present volume has unavoidably exceeded the limits 
proposed by the Council in its Circular. 























Treasurer and General Agent, 

Address No. 209 North Third Street, Philadelphia. 



TELL THEE. Deut. XXXli. 7. 


COMPARATIVELY little of the early history of the Mora 
vian Church in this country has been given to the American 
public. A translation of Loskiel s Account of the Indian 
Mission,* Heckewelder s Narrative, f and Heckewelder s 
History of Indian Nations, J were the first means of calling 
attention to the character and extent of the mission among 
the Aborigines of this country, to prosecute which the 
Brethren were led to immigrate to the English Colonies of 
North America in the first half of the last century. Con 
tributions to other departments of Moravian history, which 
followed after a long interval, were a Biography of the 
Missionary Heckewelder, a History of Nazareth Hall,|| 
The Moravians in North Carolina,^ a History of the 

* Geschichte der Mission der evangelischen Brilder unter den In- 
dianern in Nordamerika, clurch Georg Heinrich Loskiel. Barby: 
1789. Translated into English by Christian Ignatius Latrobe. Lon 
don : 1794. 

f Narrative of the Missions of the United Brethren among the 
Delaware ar.d Mohegan Indians, by Rev. John Heckewelder, of 
Bethlehem, Pa. Philadelphia: 1820. 

J An Account of the History, Manners, and Customs of the Indian 
Nations who once inhabited Pennsylvania and the neighboring States, 
by Rev. John Heckewelder, of Bethlehem, Pa. Philadelphia: 1818. 

\ Life of John Heckewelder, by the Rev. Edward Rondthaler, of 
Nazareth, Pa. Philadelphia: 1847. 

|| A Historical Sketch of Nazareth Hall, from 1755 to I ^55,by Rev. 
Levin T. Reichel. Philadelphia: 1855. 

1[ The Moravians in North Carolina, an Authentic History, by Rev. 
Levin T. Reichel. Salem, N. C: 1857. 



Seminary for Young Ladies at Bethlehem,* Sketches of 
Moravian Life and Character, f The Moravians in New 
York and Connecticut, J and Nazareth Hall and its Re 
unions^ The church periodicals also, "The United 
Brethren s Missionary Intelligencer," a quarterly, 1822-49 ; 
"The Moravian Miscellany," a monthly, 1850-55, suc 
ceeded by " The Moravian," a weekly, 1856, consecutively, 
all conducted in English, and "Das Briider Blatt," a 
monthly, 1854-1861, conducted in German (the latter 
especially during the editorship of Rev. Levin T. Reichel, 
who can justly be called the father of American Moravian 
History), have offered their readers numerous papers of in 
terest, illustrating portions of this widely-extended field. 
The same can be said of "Die Biene," a weekly, 1846-1848; 
and of the "Transactions of the Moravian Historical 

A desire to further uncover and render available the 
mine of old-time lore which the Moravian Church pos 
sesses in her Archives, prompted some members of the 
Moravian Historical Society to associate themselves with 
others, lovers of her early history, for the purpose of 
issuing a series of memorials, treating of the varied activity 

* A History of the Rise, Progress, and Present Condition of the 
Bethlehem Female Seminary, with a Catalogue of its Pupils, by Wil 
liam C. Reichel. Philadelphia: 1858. 

f Sketches of Moravian Life and Character, comprising a general 
View of the History, Life, Character, and Religious and Educa 
tional Institutions of the Unitas Fratrum, by James Henry. Phila 
delphia : 1859. 

% A Memorial of the Dedication of Monuments, erected by the Mo 
ravian Historical Society, to mark the sites of early Missions in New 
York and Connecticut, by William C. Reichel. Philadelphia: 1860. 

| Historical Sketch of Nazareth Hall, from 1755 to l86 9> ^z//z an 
Account of the Reunions of former Pupils, by William C. Reichel. 
Philadelphia: 1869. 


of the Moravian pioneers in this country, as missionaries, 
as evangelists, and as educators of youth, of their religious 
and social organization, of the life they led, and the spirit 
by which they were actuated, of their relation to each other 
as members of one body pervaded by a common purpose, 
and of the relation they sustained to those by whom they 
were surrounded. 

Thus, it was thought, a service would be done to the 
cause of history generally, at the same time that these 
memorials (often documentary, and if not so, yet drawn 
from original sources) might tend to throw light upon or 
remove misapprehensions, entertained by members of the 
church as well as by .others, in reference to important 
events and leading characters of the past. 

The former presumption was based upon the fact, that 
as the Brethren labored in an extensive field, operating as 
evangelists or home-missionaries in nearly all the English 
Colonies along the Atlantic sea-board, and were required 
to render written reports of their journeys and daily expe 
riences to the heads of the church at Bethlehem, the student 
of the Colonial History of this country would find much in 
such memorials that would bear upon his favorite depart 
ment ; the latter, upon a knowledge of the disposition 
common to mankind, to forget the past in the present, 
through indifference or designedly. 

This volume of Memorials treats largely of the infancy 
of the Indian Mission ; of the labors of apostolic men, such 
as Christian H. Rauch, J. Martin Mack, and Bernhard A. 
Grube ; principally, however, in that connection, of the 
part taken by Count Zinzendorf in promoting the move 
ment that his followers had inaugurated, for the conver 
sion to Christianity of one portion of a heathen race. 
While the first series of papers, entitled " Zinzendorf and 
the Indians," contains matters of history that are now pub 
lished for the first time, recited in part by the Count, and 


in part by Martin Mack, their value is much enhanced by 
bringing the reader face to face, as it were, through the 
medium of his personal narratives, with the remarkable 
man of whom they so largely treat. Here he is heard to 
speak without reserve, giving utterance to his inmost feel 
ings with the unaffected originality of expression that is 
the mark of genius ; at times seemingly at a loss for lan 
guage in which to convey the exuberance of thought that 
flows like an impetuous current through his soul, often in 
paradoxes, and apparently obscurely, always, however, with 
marked effect, and never in the fear of man, for the. sake 
of popular applause, or actuated by the dubious policy of 
compromising truth and error. His views of the origin of 
the Indian race are highly interesting, and, to say the least, 
ingeniously made to harmonize with prophecies of the Old 
Testament Scriptures. Could they even be demonstrated 
to be altogether fanciful, there is so much of the charm of 
poetry thrown about them that the reader, we believe, 
would reluctantly admit their fallacy. Passing over the 
incidents of travel that are woven into his narratives of 
journeys to Shecomeco and to the Susquehanna, in the 
course of which he leads us through widely-distant and 
remote parts of the country, acquaints us with life among 
border men, among civilized Indians, and among savages, 
with the mode of travel prevalent at that day through the 
wilderness, whether along some " Warrior s Path," or some 
highway cut by the hands of adventurous men through 
forest and through swamp, beguiling the tediousness of 
the way by his observations on men and manners, on prin 
ciples and doctrines in church and state, which are always 
truthful, though often expressed with a striking extrava 
gance of quaint severity, of half-disguised humor, or of keen 
satire, Martin Mack brings us to the journey s end among 
the perfidious Shawanese of Wyoming Valley. The mis 
sionary s recollection of what transpired here cannot fail 


to correct the erroneous accounts that have been repro 
duced on the subject of Zinzendorf s memorable sojourn 
at Wyoming until they have passed into history. Brief as 
it is, Mack s narrative is picturesque and full of character. 
The plan that the Count matured, on his return from 
the Indians, for the further prosecution of the mission 
among them, is neither more extended in its limits, nor 
more precise in its details, than were others he conceived 
for the execution of the church elsewhere. Most valuable 
for the historian, perhaps, in as far as it reveals the spirit 
of the man, and of the body which he directed, is the 
Count s Review of his experiences among the Indians. It 
is in fact an exposition of the principles by which the 
Brethren were governed, in their prosecution of the work 
of evangelizing the heathen, to which they believed them 
selves as a church to have been divinely called ; principles 
which were drawn immediately from Christ s teachings, 
which sought his approval and his glory, rather than the 
approval of, and glory with, men ; and to adherence to 
which we are compelled to ascribe the remarkable success 
that crowned their unpretentious efforts. The old transla 
tion of this paper is most happily done, Zinzendorf s pres 
ence and voice only being felt and heard throughout. 

Following the first series is a Register of the Christian 
Indians who lie buried in the Old Moravian Grave-yard at 
Bethlehem, and Annals of Early Moravian Settlement in 
Georgia and Pennsylvania. 

The Accounts of the Brethren at Bethlehem with the 
Commissioners of the Province, it was thought, might 
gratify the antiquary, so full are they of the details and 
commonplaces of life in a generation long since passed 
away. At the same time they illustrate the history of the 
Province in a critical period, and introduce the reader to 
Spangenberg, who directed the affairs of the Brethren in 
America for almost twenty years. To show that he was 


another representative of the spirit of his church, an 
unassuming Christian, and a very plain man, averse to 
the meretricious ornamentations of the simple Gospel of 
Christ, strong in faith, devoted to his heavenly Master, 
preaching by example as well as by word, of marked ability, 
although no genius, as was his fellow-worker abroad, 
several of his letters relevant to the history they accompany 
have been presented to the reader. 

The Christian Church, in all ages, has drawn from the 
beauties of Art to embellish her houses of worship, to adorn 
her ritual, to give shape to her religious conceptions, and 
to enable her to realize, by an appeal to the feelings 
through the senses, what she apprehends by faith. Paint 
ing, Music, and Poetry have thus, from time to time, been 
made to bring her right royal tribute, until her treasure- 
house is heaped with the choicest offerings of genius, as 
was the heathen shrine of old with ingots of pure gold, 
and with all rare and precious things. The Renewed 
Church of the Brethren also delighted to use Art as a 
handmaiden to Religion. There was a time when her 
chapels were hung with paintings depicting scenes in 
the life of the Redeemer, and when she always rose on 
the wings of devotion amid the harmony of sweet sounds. 
And to this day the experiences of the child of God in 
the life hidden in Christ, his confession to weakness, his 
renunciation of self and trust in the merits of a Saviour, 
his communion with the unseen object of his affections, 
his longing to go home and be forever with the Lord, 
and his apocalyptic views of glory, are portrayed in her 
German hymnology in the measures of a transcendingly 
beautiful poesy, than which none move the soul as divinely, 
save those to which the son of Jesse struck his inspired 

It was undeniably the spirit of the gifted Zinzendorf 
which was a spirit glowing with ecstatic love and fervor, as 


glows the sunset sky with all warm colors of molten things 
that in this way embellished the usages of his church, 
teaching her to apprehend the All-beautiful through the 
beautiful in Art, and leaving her a heritage of song not 
unmeet to be sung by the redeemed while yet in the body, 
just without the golden gate. 

The figure facing the title-page of this volume is a relic 
of the Zinzendorfian period of the Brethren s Church. It 
is her seal, an embodiment of the cardinal doctrine of 
her most holy faith, and symbolic both of the atonement 
made for the remission of sin by the sacrifice of the spot 
less Lamb of God, and of its acceptance by the Father, 
when Christ burst the bonds of death, and rose victorious 
from the grave. 

On a shield sanguine a Paschal Lamb argent, passant, 
carrying a cross resurrection argent, from which is suspended 
a triumphal banner of the same. Motto : Vicit Agnus noster, 
Eum sequamur " Our Lamb is victorious, let us follow him" 

This device, in its full significance, is suggestive of Re 
demption from the dominion of sin in this world, through 
the sufferings and death of the Son of God, and of its 
completion in glory in the world to come. It blends the 
prophetic, the historic, and the apocalyptic, pointing to 
the Lamb without blemish, to the Paschal Lamb, to the 
Lamb of God that taketh away the sin of the world, to the 
Lamb slain from the foundation of the world, and to the 
Lamb that shall overcome, being Lord of lords and King 
of kings. 

The following is a copy of a certificate which bears the 
impress in wax of the seal here reproduced. It is a simple 
pass, but nevertheless of historical interest, in as far as it 
produces evidence that this seal was appended by all ser 
vants of the church whenever they acted in her authority, 
that it was not used exclusively by bishops, and hence was 
not an episcopal seal : 



" Aug. 22, 1746. 

" These are to certify all it may concern, That the Bearer hereof 
James Burnside our Brother and Fellow-helper in the Gospel, goeth 
to Maryland to see some Friends there, with our full Consent and 
hearty Wishes that he may be attended with many Blessings. 

" In Testimony whereof we have hereunto affixed the Seal of the 
Church, the Day and Year aforesaid. 


Carried away by their adoration of Him who made the 
Great Atonement by going like a lamb to the slaughter, 
the Brethren of the first half of the last century never 
spake or sang of Christ otherwise than the Lamb, styled 
their church a Congregation of the Lamb, called them 
selves followers of the precious Lamb, and embellished with 
its device their publications, their church service, and even 
the tokens of affection wrought in lowly art which they were 
wont to exchange on festal occasions, or to offer to each 
other on the dawn of each succeeding year of their earthly 
pilgrimage. Of this there is an evidence existing even 
at the present day; for, after the lapse of one hundred and 
twenty-four years, there still hovers over the venerable 
house of prayer at Bethlehem, in which Zinzendorf first, 
and after him Spangenberg preached or sang ceaselessly of 
the Lamb of God that taketh away the sin of the world, 
the Paschal Lamb passant, with the banner of victory 
suspended from the Cross of the Resurrection. 

* Nathaniel Seidel, born 1718, was at this time in Deacon s orders. 
On the 7th of February, 1746, during the sessions of a Synod con 
vened at Bethlehem, he had been elected, by sixty-one of ninety-seven 
votes cast, head of the Brethren who preached the gospel as itiner 
ants, and was styled, in the language of the Church prevalent at that 
day, Elder of the Pilgrims. In 1748 he was ordained a Presbyter, 
and in 1758 was consecrated a Bishop. 



Introduction vii 

1. Count Zinzendorf s Observations on the North American 

Indians , 1 8 

2. A Narrative of his Journey among the Delawares 23 

3. His Narrative of a Visitation to the Mission among the 

Mohicans of New York 45 

4. His Narrative of a Journey to the Susquehanna 62 

5. Martin Mack s Narrative of Count Zinzendorf s Sojourn among 

the Shawanese of Wyoming 100 

6. Count Zinzendorf s Review of his Experience among the 

North American Indians 115 

7. Count Zinzendorf s Plan of the Moravian Mission among the 

Indians 136 

8. Names and Notices of the Christian Indians who lie buried in 

the Moravian Grave-yard at Bethlehem, Pa 143 

9. Annals of early Moravian Settlement in Georgia and Penn 

sylvania 155 

10. The Accounts of the Moravian Brethren at Bethlehem, Pa., 

with the Commissioners of the Province of Pennsylvania, 
during the Indian War of 1755 and 1756 189 










IN the preparation of the following papers, the editor has 

1. Church Diaries, Church Records, Journals and Narra 
tives of missionaries, Autobiographies and Memoirs, and 
Letters preserved in manuscript in the Moravian Archives 
at Bethlehem, Pa. 

2. The following Moravian publications, viz.: 
Geschichte der Mission der Evangelischen Briider unter 

den Indianern in Nordamerika, durch Georg Heinrich 
Loskiel. Barby, 1789. 

Leben des Herrn Nicolaus Ludwig, Grafen und Herrn 
von Zinzendorf und Pottendorf, von August Gottlieb 
Spangenberg. Barby, 1772. 

Leben August Gottlieb Spangenbergs, Bischofs der Evan 
gelischen Briiderkirche, von Jeremias Risler. Barby, 1794. 

Nachrichten aus der Briider-Gemeine. Gnadau, 1819 

Das Briider-Blatt, redigirt von Levin T. Reichel. 1854- 

Biidingische Sammlung, einiger in die Kirchen-Historie 
einschlagender sonderlich neuerer Schrifften. Biidingen, 


Memoirs of James Hutton, by Daniel Benham. London, 

The Moravians in North Carolina, by Rev. Levin T. 
Reichel. Salem, N. C., 1857. 

Die Biene, ein Volksblatt, redigirt von Dr. A. L. Hue- 
bener. Bethlehem, 1846-1848. 

, , r JCh,<e ^Moravians in New York and Connecticut. A me- 
hiotialjof the dedication of monuments erected by the 
Moravian , Historical Society, to mark the sites of the 
; anciciik missionary stations in those States. New York, 

And also 

3. Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania. 
Published by the State, 1852. 

Pennsylvania Archives, selected and arranged by Samuel 
Hazard. Philadelphia, 1853. 

Otzinachsen, a History of the West Branch Valley of 
the Susquehanna, by J. F. Meginness. 1857. 

A History of the Minnisink Region in Orange County, 
New York, by Charles E. Stickney. 1867. 

The Delaware Water-Gap, by L. W. Brodhead. Phila 
delphia, 1867. 

History of the Lehigh Valley, by M. S. Henry. Easton, 

Journal of Conrad Weisser to Onondaga, August and 
September of 1750. Manuscript in possession of Penn 
sylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia. 

Narrative of a Journey made in February, March, and 
April of 1737, by Conrad Weisser, to Onondaga. Collec- 
tions of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. May, 

Nachrichten von den vereinigten Deutschen Evangelisch- 
Lutherischen Gemeinen in Nord-America, absonderlich in 
Pensylvanien. Halle, 1745-1787. 


Historical Account of Bouquet s Expedition against the 
Ohio Indians. Cincinnati, 1868. 

Documentary History of New York, by J. O Callaghan. 
Albany, 1850. 

Draft of sundry Tracts of Land surveyed to divers Pur 
chasers in y e Forks of Delaware River, in Bucks County. 
Drawn 1740, by Benjamin Eastburn, Surveyor-General. 

Map of the improved part of the Province of Pennsyl 
vania, humbly dedicated to the Hon. Thomas Penn and 
Richard Penn, Esqs., true and absolute Proprietaries and 
Governors of the Province of Pennsylvania, and Counties 
of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, by Nicholas 
Scull. Published according to Act of Parliament, January 

i, 1759- 

The History of Northampton, Lehigh, Monroe, Carbon, 
and Schuylkill Counties, by I. Daniel Rupp. Harrisburg, 


History of the Counties of Berks and Lebanon, by I. 
Daniel Rupp. 1844. 

History of Lancaster County, by I. Daniel Rupp. 1845. 

Memoirs of Rev. David Brainerd, Missionary to the In 
dians, chiefly taken from his own Diary, by Rev. Jonathan 
Edwards. New Haven, 1822. 

Historical Collections of New Jersey. Newark, 1844. 

Select Works of William Penn. London, 1771. 

History of Wyoming, by Charles Miner. Philadelphia, 


Annals of Luzerne County, by Stewart Pearce. Phila., 

In elucidating the narratives herein produced, the editor 
has resorted to conjecture only in the matter of determin 
ing routes, when such were imperfectly indicated ; which 
conjecture, however, was ventured cautiously, and never 


except in the light of relevant information drawn from 
reliable sources. The first narrative is based upon Loskiel s 
account, in his History of the Indian Mission. 

These papers treat of a remarkable man and of a re 
markable people, of a man who, early in life, renounced 
the prospects of worldly distinction, of honors and of fame, 
so as to remove every impediment in the way of devoting 
the powers of his gifted soul to the promotion of Christ s 
kingdom. His personal endeavors in this object among 
the despised and degraded aborigines of our country, 
although viewed by many at the time as the fantastic vaga 
ries of an enthusiast, exemplified his chivalric love of the 
Saviour, for whom he boldly entered the lists, ever approv 
ing himself a true red-cross knight. 

It was for this man to take part in one of the historic 
movements set on foot in behalf of ameliorating the condi 
tion of a portion of that race whose origin is shrouded in 
mystery, over whom a destroying angel broods, who once 
lived where we now live, but who are gone, save a remem 
brance of them only in the names of their favorite rivers 
and streams, and valleys and hills, that fall upon the ear 
like the echo of a sound that is past. 

Count Zinzendorf landed at New York on the 2d of De 
cember, 1741. On the loth of that month he reached 
Philadelphia,* in which city he designed to fix his abode 

* Here he at once became an object of general interest, and excited 
much remark, as a man of rank, of fortune, and of education, and also 
as the recognized head of the Moravian movement lately initiated in 
the Province. In both characters, he was brought into contact with 
or was courted by prominent men of the day. How he and his 
mission were viewed by contemporaries of this class may partly be 
inferred from the following notices, some of the few that have been 
preserved. James Logan, in a letter to Governor Clarke, of New 
York, dated March 30, 1742, writes: "I must not omit observing 


for the first three months of the year he purposed spending 
in Pennsylvania. Having visited the Brethren s settlement 

that last fall there came over a German Count of the title of Zin- 
zendorf, of a good estate as well as family and education. He speaks 
Latin and French, is aged I suppose between forty and fifty years, 
wears his own hair, and is in all other respects very plain as making 
the propagation of the Gospel his whole purpose and business. In 
this view he or some of his people have purchased those 5000 acres 
which one Seward, a companion of Whitefield, had not long since 
bought, about 50 miles north from hence, near Delaware River, to 
erect on it, as they gave out, a college or school for the instruction 
of Negroes, or some such other whimsical business ; but the purchaser 
dying very soon after his return to England, his wise executors imme 
diately turned it into money again, and now another order of religieux, 
and, in my judgment, a much better sort of people, is in possession of 
it. They are so much for universal charity that without binding them 
selves to any form, they join with all persuasions that profess their being 
inwardly guided by the Spirit of Christ, Papists or Protestants, as far 
as I can learn, without distinction ; for though they utterly dislike the 
fopperies of the Romish service, the adoration of saints, images, etc., 
yet, if the heart be right, they dispense with all the rest as the exte 
riors in worship of a more indifferent nature ; and hence, in a conver 
sation I had last week with the Count, he spoke of Cardinal Noailles, 
Archbishop of Paris, as his most particular and intimate friend." 

December 15, 1741. " Count Zinzendorf arrived here y e beginning 
of this week, and will probably cause large quantities of land to be 
taken up by y e Moravians in this Province. He does not propose to 
stay longer than y e winter, his intention by this voyage being only to 
view y e country, cause some houses to be built, and some lands to be 
taken up for y e use of his Moravian Brethren, and to try what effect 
his preaching will have." Richard Peters to Thomas Penn. 

July 9, 1742. " I find you will do much better with Mr. Spangen- 
berg in London than I can do with y e Count or y e Moravians here. 
The land is really poor land, and best to be bought by those who have 
not seen it, though on account of its conveniency y e Moravians must 
buy it. Y e Count says y e design of y e Brethren is to have a space of 
land of two miles in breadth and eight in length, which is the distance 


in the Forks of Delaware, and named it Bethlehem (De 
cember 24), he made a circuit of the German neighbor 
hoods which lay to the southwest, as far as Conestoga, and 
returned to Germantown on the 3oth of December. On 
the following day he appeared for the first time in an 
American pulpit, preaching to a large audience in the 
German Reformed Church of that place. 

The interval between this date and the 2oth of June was 
perhaps the period of his most varied activity during his 
sojourn in Pennsylvania. Few men could have accom 
plished in that time what he did. Besides conducting the 
deliberations of seven religious convocations, or synods, 
in which the most antagonistic elements were represented, 
he preached the Gospel statedly in the Reformed Church 
at Germantown, and for Lutherans of Philadelphia in their 
place of worship on Arch Street, traveled through the rural 
districts of Bucks and Philadelphia, supplying destitute and 
isolated neighborhoods with the means of grace and the 
means of education, organized churches, wrote multitudi 
nous papers and essays, some theological, others contro 
versial and apologetical, and carried on a large correspond- 

between Bethlehem and Nazareth, in order to have a continuation from 
one place to the other; and on this space of two miles by eight, they 
propose to build small villages for y e Brethren to live in, the same in 
number, and to have the same names as are found on the maps of the 
Holy Land." Richard Peters to Thomas Penn. 

November 21, 1742. " Conrad Weisser is with me now, and desires 
me to acquaint the Proprietaries that y e Count Zinzendorf and the 
heads of y e Moravians will come under the strongest engagements to 
them, that in case y e Moravians may be permitted to have y e preference 
in the next Indian purchase of a large body of land together, they will 
transport above ten thousand people and settle them there, and give 
the Proprietaries such a price for their land as shall be generally put 
on lands in that place." Richard Peters to Thomas Penn. 


ence with leading Brethren in England and on the Conti 
nent. In the interval between March 16 and June 20 he 
resided in Germantown, surrounded, as he had been at 
Philadelphia, by a corps of assistants, chief among whom 
were Bishop Nitschmann, Andrew Eschenbach, Gottlob 
Buttner, Jno. C. Pyrlaeus, J. Wm. Zander, Anton Seyffert, 
Johanna S. Molther, and Anna Nitschmann. 

On the 2oth of June he again repaired to Bethlehem, 
and having organized the Brethren there into a congrega 
tion, completed arrangements for his contemplated visit to 
Shecomeco, and for his tour of exploration into the Indian 

It is with these movements in Zinzendorf s career in 
North America that the following papers are concerned. 




(Copy of an Old Translation preserved in the Archives at Bethlehem.} 

THE Savages in Canada* are thought to be partly mixed 
Scythians, and partly Jews of the 10 lost Tribes, f wc h 
thro y e great Tartarian wilderness wandered hither by 

* Zinzendorf repeatedly uses this name, in the general sense in 
which it was applied by Europeans of his day, to designate the North 
ern British Colonies in North America. The name Florida he ex 
tends to the Southern Colonies. 

f Zinzendorf s views of the origin of the Indians accorded with 
those propounded by Eliot, and held by William Perm. 

" For their original, I am ready to believe them of the Jewish race ; 
I mean of the stock of the Ten Tribes, and that for the following reasons : 
First, they were to go to a land riot planted or known," 1 which, to be 
sure, Asia and Africa were, if not Europe ; and He that intended that 
extraordinary judgment upon them might make the passage not uneasy 
to them, as it is not impossible in itself, from the eastermost parts of 
Asia, to the westermost of America. In the next place, I find them 
of like countenance, and their children of so lively resemblance, that a 
man would think himself in Duke s-place or Berry-street, in London, 
when he seeth them. But this is not all: they agree in Rites; they 
reckon by Moons ; they offer their First Fruits ; they have a kind of 
Feast of Tabernacles; they are said to lay their Altar upon Twelve 
Stones ; their Mourning a Year, Customs of Women, with many things 
that do not now occur." Wm. Penn in a Letter to a Friend, dated, 
Phila., the i6t/i of the 6th month, called August, 1683. 


way of hunting, and so they came farther and farther into 

y e country. 

The reason why they make this conjecture is 

i . Because they are not black as they of Florida, Mexico, 

etc., but they are white, and have only that yellow colour 

prophecy d in Deuteron y .* 
. 2. They have Jewish customs. 

3. They call their enemiesf and strangers Assaroni, for a 
remembrance of y e Assyrians, by whom their fathers were 
turned out. 

4. Achsa, onas, and innumerable other words are pure 
Ebrew, or at "least so far as y e English, Swedish, Dutch, 
Norway and Danish tongue are German. 

5. Notwithstanding they have many wifes,J their families 
are yet so small, that y e 5 Nations are altogether hardly 
so many, as there are sometimes in a large village in our 

* Deut. xxviii. 22. " The Lord shall smite thee with mildew" 
Luther translates, " Der Herr wird clich schlagen mit Gelbsucht" 

The Hebrew is jlpT3, tvith yello wness, with jaundice. 

The Septuagint renders the word TT/ &xpa,zvith ochrous pallor t with 
an ochrous tint. 

The Vulgate, rubigine with riist color. 

j- Quaere The Mobilian or Southern Indians, the Catawbas, the 
Cherokees, the Creeks, etc.? 

J " Plurality of wives is not in vogue here, except among the chiefs, 
who take three or four to themselves." Description of New Nether- 
land, 1671. 

$ Wentworth Greenhalgh, in his " Observations made on a Journey 
from Albany to y e Indians westward in 1677," gives the following 
enumeration : 

" The Maquaes pass in all for about 300 fighting men. The Onon- 
dagos are said to be about 350 fighting men. The Senecques are 
counted to be in all about 1000 fighting men. The Onyades have 


country ; wc h agreeth a great deal better with Deuterony : 
than with y e nature of y e barbarish Nations, who com 
monly multiply themselves in many thousands far be 
yond y e Europeans. But they have been foretold so.* 
Therefore one believes that some 100 years ago, five or 
six men or women lost themselves hither, each of whom by 
and by became a Nation, who, because of y e curse resting 
on them, consumed themselves so, that none of them sur 
passed y e number of 2000 Persons, yea, some of them 
are a few hundred. 

And these Nations are five. The French call them 
Irokois ; but they call themselves Aquanuskwn, or y e Cove 
nant People. 

A. i. The Maquas, whose language is y e nearest to 
y e Ebrew is y e chiefest of their Nations according to dig 
nity; yet in Reuben sf way, that is despised because of 
their Levity and paid off with y e Title. Yet their Language 
goes throughout. 

2. The Onondagos are y e chief Nation in Reality; y e 
JudahJ amongst their Brethren. 

3. The Senekas are y e most in number. 
These three Nations are called y e Fathers. 

a. Many of y e first are English Presbyterians. 

about 200 fighting men. The Caiougos pass for about 300 fighting 

" The Six Nations of Indians including the River and Schaaghcoke 
Indians, are about fifteen hundred fighting men." Governor Clarke, 
of New York, to the Commissioners of Indian Affairs, February, 1737. 

Sir Wm. Johnson, in 1763, estimates the fighting men of the Six 
Nation Confederacy and their tributaries to have been 1950. 

* Deut. xxviii. 62. "And ye shall be left few in mtmber, whereas 
ye were as the stars of heaven for multitude" 

j- Genesis, xlix. 3, 4. J Genesis, xlix. 8-12. 

\ Quaere Does the Count use Presbyterian in the ordinary accepta 
tion of the term ? " The conversion and civilization of the American In- 


b. The second sort remains Heathens, and reason in a 
philosophical manner of y e nature of y e gods with Cicero. 

c. The last are superstitious Cross and Rosecranz bear 

4. The Oneidas, and 

5 . Cayugers are their Children. They must respect them, 
and have also Children s right. 

B. The Gibeonites, or water-bearers, are People gathered 
on y e Rivers as y e Gypsies, and a good part of y m are 

i. Canistokas . 

dians engaged the attention of Europeans at an early date. The chris 
tianizing of the Iroquois especially, became the object of the Jesuits of 
Canada as far back as 1642; and a few years afterwards Father Isaac 
Jogues laid down his life on the Mohawk River, for the Gospel. The 
Dutch, who colonized those parts, did not give the subject much con 
sideration. In 1712, Rev. Samuel Andrews was sent as a missionary to 
the Mohawks by the Society for Propagating the Gospel, and a church 
was built at the mouth of Scohary Creek ; but he soon abandoned the 
place, and was the last as well as the first that resided among them. 
The Society afterwards allowed a small stipend to the clergyman at 
Albany, to act as missionary to the Mohawks." Memoir of the Rev, 
John Stuart, D.D., the last Missionary to the Mohawks. 

" The Mohocks, who have long lived within our settlements, though 
greatly reduced in number, are still the acknowledged Head of the 
Iroquois Alliance. They have less intercourse with the Indians and 
more with us than formerly besides which they are at present mem 
bers of the ^trch of England : most of them read, and several write 
very well." Sir Wm. Johnson to Arthitr Lee, Esq. Johnson Hall, 
February 28, 1771. 

* The Jesuit Fathers, Julien Gamier (1668-1683), Jacques Fremin 
(1668), Pierre Rafeix (1679), Jean Purron (1673-1679), Jacques De 
Heu (1709), were the first missionaries to the Senecas. 

f In 1701, Wm. Penn treated with the Susquthanna Minquays, or 
Conestoga Indians, living on Conestoga and Pequea. 

" The Conestogas were formerly a part of the Five Nations or Min- 
goes, and speak the same language to this day. They actually pay 


2. Mahikans* of whom our congregation consists (vide 
I. Cor. chap. i.). 

3. Hurons or Delaware Indians. 

These must call y e other Uncles, and are called Cousins. 

C. The Floridans\ are Confederates, and 
The Tuscaroras\ are called Brothers. 

D. The Captives are kept well, and become in time 

Concerning y e Enemies, it comes in my mind whether 
they (except y e Europeans) are not Scythians, Idumeans, 
Arabians, Gypsies, etc., with whom they continually quar 
rel, and cannot bear y m amongst y m . 

tribute to the Five Nations, and either from natural affection or fear, 
are ever under their influence and power." Minutes of Provincial 
Council, October, 1722. 

* The Mohicans were members of the great Algonquin family, and 
inhabited the country now embraced in Southwestern New England, 
and that portion of New York east of the Hudson. " Higher up the 
Manhattans or Great River, lie the Makwaes and the Mohicans, who 
are constantly at war with each other." Description of New Nether- 
land, 1671. 

They were gradually driven eastward across the hill country into the 
valley of the Housatonic, by their implacable enemies. 

f Shawauese. 

| At the settlement of North Carolina, the Tuscaroras had their seats 
on the upper waters of the Neuse and Tar Rivers, and in 1708 still 
mustered 1200 warriors. A collision with the whites a few years later, 
which resulted in their defeat, broke their spirits, and was the cause 
of their suing for admission into the Iroquois Confederacy. The alli 
ance was formally concluded in 1722, although the Tuscaroras had 
emigrated to the North as early as 1712. 



JULY 24 AUGUST 2, 1742. 

AT 6 P.M. of the 24th of July, Zinzendorf set out on his 
visitation of the half-civilized Delawares still living in the 
Forks,* and of such of that nation who, as he had learned, 
were residing in the first main valley north of the Blue 
Mountain. Thither there had been a migration from New 
Jersey, from Crosswicksf and Cranberry, from the Raritan 
and the Atlantic coast, not ten years previous. 

This is to be inferred from remarks made by the Breth 
ren, in connection with their records of Indian baptisms; 
and the fact that many of the Indians whom Zinzendorf 
met there spoke English, goes to prove that they had at 
one time lived in a white neighborhood. Evidently aware 
of this, he had provided himself with an interpreter in the 
person of Bro. J. William Zander, f who spoke English, a 

* The name given at that time to the lands lying within the confluence 
of the Delaware and the Lehigh, running back indefinitely, even as far 
as the Blue Mountain. The Indian name for the latter river was Le- 
chau-weki ("the fork of a road"), abbreviated by the Germans into 
Lecha, and corrupted by the English into Lehigh. As an Indian 
thoroughfare crossed the Island below Bethlehem, and forked off into 
different paths, running northward, the name of" Forks" may for this 
reason have been given to the region which they intersected. 

} Corruption of Crossweeksung (separation). 

J John William Zander, born in Quedlingburg, came to America in 
October of 1741. July, 1742, married Johanna Magdalene, daughter 


language with which the Count himself was not con 

He was accompanied as far as Nazareth (ten miles north 
of Bethlehem) by David and Judith Bruce,* Peter and 
Elizabeth B6hler,f Abraham and Judith Meinung, J Fred- 

of Peter Mtiller, of Germantown. Before the close of the year, was 
dispatched to Berbice as missionary to the Indians and negroes. 

* David Bruce, from Edinburgh, came with Count Zinzendorf to 
America, in the autumn of 1741. July 10, 1742, married Judith, 
oldest daughter of John Stephen Benezet, merchant, of Philadelphia. 
Was appointed elder of the English congregation, settled tempo 
rarily at Nazareth. Labored in the ministry in destitute English neigh 
borhoods in the then County of Bucks. In January, 1749, was dis 
patched to the Indian Mission at Wechquadnach (Indian Pond), in 
Northeast Center, Duchess County, New York. Here he deceased 
July 9, of that year. 

f Peter Bohler, born December 31, 1712, at Frankfort-on-the-Main. 
From April, 1731, to Sept. 1737, a student of Divinity, at the University 
of Jena. While here, an intimacy sprang up between him and the 
Brethren, which resulted in his joining their communion. September, 
1737, was appointed to South Carolina to missionate among the negroes 
on the plantations between Purysburg and Savannah, and to be pastor 
of the Moravian colonists settled in and near the latter place. Prepara 
tory to setting out for America, he was ordained. On the abandonment 
of the colony in Georgia, Bohler led the Brethren to Pennsylvania. 
This was in April of 1 740. Here he was with them on the Whitefield 
tract to the close of the year. Sailed for Europe, January 29, 1741. 
Returned to America in June of 1742, with the first colony of Brethren 
sent to Pennsylvania. Appointed pastor of the English congregation 
at Nazareth, and on its transfer to Philadelphia, went thither. In 
September, accompanied Zinzendorf to the Susquehanna, as far as 
Otstonwackin. After the Count s return to Europe, Bohler was act 
ing-superintendent of the Brethren s church in America until Span- 

J Abraham and Judith Meinung came from Europe with Zinzendorf. 
They were sent to St. Thomas in 1747. Here Bro. Meinung deceased. 
His widow returned to Bethlehem in July of 1751. 


eric Martin,* and John Hagen,f beside his escort proper, 
which consisted of Anton Seyffert,J Andrew Eschenbach, 
Jacob Lischy,|| Henry Muller,Tf William and Johanna Zan- 

genberg s arrival in November of 1744. Sailed for Europe in April of 
1745. Between this date and May of 1753, Bohler labored in the con 
gregations in both England and Germany, having, in the interval, 
been consecrated a bishop. In September, 1753, returned to America 
again to administer the affairs of his church, and again sailed for Eu 
rope in September of 1755. His last sojourn in America was between 
December, 1756, and May, 1764. On his return to Europe, took a 
seat in the Directory; in 1766, visited England and Ireland; in 1767, 
was in Holland, and in 1774, in England. Deceased in London, April 

27, 1775- 

* Frederic Martin, missionary among the negroes on St. Thomas, at 
this time on a visit at Bethlehem. Deceased February, 1750, on Santa 

j- John Hagen, from Brandenburg, was, in April of 1740, sent to 
Georgia to missionate among the Cherokees of the low country. (See 
his letter, Part vii. No. 15, Biidingen Sammlung.} Came to Beth 
lehem in February of 1742, whither he was accompanied by Abraham 
Biihninger (Bininger), from Purysburg, Beaufort County, South Caro 
lina. Labored as a missionary among the Delawares, the Susquehanna 
tribes, and the Mohicans of New York. Deceased, while at Shamokin, 
September 16, 1747. 

Abraham Biihninger, born at Bulach, Canton Zurich, in 1720, was 
the ancestor of the well-known Bininger family of New York. De 
ceased in Washington County, New York, March, 1811. 

J Anton Seyffert, from " German-Bohemia," was a member of the 
first colony of Brethren sent to Georgia in the spring of 1735, in view 
of establishing a mission among the Creeks. Accompanied Bohler and 
others to Pennsylvania in 1740. During his stay in America, filled 
the office of Elder. Returned to Europe in April of 1745. 

\ Andrew Eschenbach was sent to Pennsylvania in the autumn of 
1740, to missionate among the destitute German immigrants scattered 
throughout the four counties of the Province. 

|| Jacob Lischy, from Miihlhausen, Switzerland, was a member of the 

Henry Miiller, book-printer. 


der, Peter Miiller,* and an Indian, by way of messenger 
and interpreter. His daughter, the Countess Benigna,f was 
also of the company. The first named brethren and sisters 
were on the way to Nazareth, in order to complete arrange 
ments for the reception of the English colonists who had 
arrived on the " Catharine" in June, and who had just been 
organized into a congregation. There were but two dwell 
ings on the Nazareth tract at that time; he log-houses 
which the Brethren employed there by Whitefield in the 
erection of a school had thrown up in the summer and fall 
of 1740. Here the travelers halted a day. 

On the morning of the 26th the cavalcade set out. 
Making a detour a few miles to the northeast, they crossed 
the Lehietan,J and came to Moses Tatemy s reserve (near 
Stockertown, in Forks Township). Tatemy was a Delaware 
from New Jersey, professed Christianity, and was farming 
in a small way on a grant of 300 acres given him by the 
Proprietaries agents, in consideration of services he had 
rendered as interpreter and messenger to the Indians. He 
received them well, was communicative, and, in course 
of conversation, gave an account of the mode of sacrifice 

first colony of Brethren sent to Pennsylvania. September lyth, 1742, 
married Mary, second daughter of John Stephen Benezet, merchant, of 
Philadelphia. Labored in the ministry. In 1747, withdrew from the 
Brethren. Deceased in 1781, on his farm, near York, on the Codorus, 
and lies buried not far from "Wolff s Church." 

* Peter Miiller, a boy, brother-in-law of J. W. Zander. 

| Benigna, H. J., oldest daughter of the Count, at this time in the 
seventeenth year of her age. Returned with her father to Europe in 
January of 1743. 

J Now the Bushkill. In maps of that day, also called Tatemy s 
Creek and Lefevre s Creek. The latter name was given the stream 
for John Lefevre, who resided near Messinger s tavern-stand, six miles 
above Easton. Lefevre was a French Huguenot. His ancestors had 
immigrated to New York about 1689. 


practiced by his heathen brethren, which afforded Zander 
an opportunity of speaking to him of the great sacrifice of 
the Lamb of God, made for the remission of sins. 

Following the Indian path that led past Tatemy s house 
north into the Minnisinks, or upper valley of the Delaware, 
they came to the village of Clistowackin, five miles above, 
on Martin s Creek, near the three churches, in Lower 
Mount Bethel. David Brainerd,* it is said, preached here 

* David Brainerd labored among the Indians in the Forks of Dela 
ware at intervals between May 13, 1744, and February 24, 1746. On 
the first-mentioned day he " reached a settlement of Irish and Dutch 
people, about 12 miles above the Forks of Delaware" (Quaere, Hun- 
tersville, or Hunter s Settlement, along Martin s Creek, in Lower Mt. 
Bethel, settled by one wing of the Scotch-Irish, who came into this 
northern part of Bucks County between 1728 and 1730?) Near here 
was an Indian village called by the Delawares, Sakhauwotung, to 
whose inhabitants he preached, and among whom he resided. " The 
number of Indians in this place is but small ; most of those that for 
merly belonged here are dispersed, and removed to places farther back 
in the country. There are not more than 10 houses hereabouts that 
continue to be inhabited. When I first began to preach here, the num 
ber of my hearers was very small, often not exceeding 20 or 25 per 
sons; but toward the latter part of the summer their number increased, 
so that I have frequently had 40 persons, or more, at once. I usually 
preached in the King s house." Brainerd to Rev. Ebenezer Pember- 
ton, Forks of Delaware, November 5, 1744- 

" July 24. Rode about 17 miles westward, over a hideous mountain, 
to a number of Indians ; got together about thirty, preached to them in 
the evening, and lodged with them." In the letter quoted above, he 
gives the distance 30 miles westward, and calls the place over the 
hideous mountain Kauksesauchung. (Quaere, Poch-ko-poch-kung, Po- 
copoco, old Captain Harris s town, on the creek of that name ?) In De 
cember of 1744, Brainerd built himself a hut at Sakhauwoticng. Here, 
on Sunday, July 21, 1745, he baptized Moses Fonda Tatemy, who had 
been acting interpreter for him since his arrival among the Fork In 
dians. February 23, 1746, he preached for the last time at the scene 


in 1744. In the lodge of an Indian medicine-man lay his 
grandchild sick unto death. The Count prayed in be 
half of the sufferer, commending him to the keeping of his 
Creator and Redeemer, and Zander spoke to the Indian of 
God s purposes in Christ for the salvation of all men from 
sin and eternal death. His words were interpreted by the 
latter to the villagers who had assembled about the lodge. 

Toward evening they reached a second village, inhabited 
chiefly by Delawares. Having been overtaken by a shower, 
they gladly accepted the captain s invitation to enter his 
hut, dry their clothes, and pass the night with him. 

On the morning of the 27th, joined by a German trader, 
Remsberger by name, they rode on, and crossed the Blue 

of his missionary labors in Pennsylvania, discoursing on the words of 
John, vi. 35-37. 

" Brainerd had a station at what is now known as Allen s Ferry] 
7 miles below the Gap, on the Delaware. The Indian town there was 
called Sakhatiwotung ( the mouth of a creek where one resides 1 }. There 
was another Indian town, called Clistoivackin (fine land], where Brain 
erd built a cottage, and lived for a time. It was situated near the resi 
dence of Mr. Baker, 15 miles south of the Gap." Brodheatfs Dela 
ware Water- Gap. 

In May of 1747, Bishop Cammerhoff wrote to Count Zinzendorf as 
follows : " It appears as if the Lord designed to bring Mr. David 
Brainerd s Indians into connexion with us. They reside not far from 
Raritan, on this side of Brunswick (Cranberry]. A week ago, some 
five visited us, and attended meetings. Almost all of our Pachgatgoch 
Indians were awakened by his preaching." (This was during Brain 
erd s residence at Kaunaumeek, twenty miles from Stockbridge, and 
fifteen from Kinderhook, between April of 1743 and April of 1744.) 

David Brainerd deceased at Northampton, October 9, 1747. He 
was succeeded by his brother John, who visited Bethlehem in October 
of 1749, in company with Rev. Mr. Lawrence, the clergyman of the 
Irish settlement in East Allen. He was at Bethlehem a second time, 
in 1751. 


Mountain.* They were now in the Indian country, and 
what was then justly the Indian s country, although white 
settlers were trespassing within its precincts. Only a few 
weeks before, heads and deputies of the Six Nations (whose 
dominion reached from Onondaga as far as the waters of 
the lower Susquehanna), met in conference with the Gov 
ernor, had insisted that the dividing line between white 
and Indian be the Kittochtinny, or Endless Mountain, 
forever. Keeping on to the northwest some ten miles, 
they struck the eastern terminus of the valley of the Po- 
copoco,f or Big Creek (Long Valley), J down which they 
turned, and came to a village on the bank of the stream. 
This had been the home of a well-known Delaware chief, 
old Captain Harris, father of Teedyuscung, King of the 
Delawares during their alienation from the English; and 
here Nicholas Scull and Benjamin Eastburn, Surveyors, 
passed the night on the completion of the one and a half 
day s walk, made in September of 1737, to settle the extent 
of a tract of land bought by William Penn, which tract has 
passed into history as the " walking-purchase. " 

The Brethren pitched their tent near the lodge of a 

* Probably at Tat s Gap, two and a half miles west of the Delaware 
Water-Gap. So named for Tatemy. 

f Corrupted from the Indian Poch-co-poch-co. Drains Long Valley, 
and empties into the Lehigh at Parryville. 

J Near Brodheadsville. 

$ The walking-purchase. The name given to a certain purchase of 
lands, situate in part in the Forks of Delaware, deeded by the Indians 
to William Penn, August 28, 1 686, the line of which was run in Sep 
tember of 1737, by a one and a half day s walk (performed in pursu 
ance of the conditions of said deed), begun at a place near Wrights- 
town, in the County of Bucks. See Nicholas Scuir s Deposition of the 
Walk, vol. vii. p. 399, Prov. Records. Also, Charles Thomson s En 
quiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delawares and Shawanese. 


medicine-man. Zander was again spokesman in the inter 
view that followed. Here, also, they passed the night, 
and this was the extreme northern point of their journey. 

On the morning of the 28th the cavalcade once more 
set out. Crossing Chestnut Hill Mountain, they came 
down into the narrow valley of the Aquanshicola,* to a 
Delaware town, called Meniolagomeka.f 

They were about resuming their journey for the last time, 
intending to reach Bethlehem the same night, when the 
Count met with a remarkable experience. He had a pre 
sentiment that his presence was required at Conrad Weis- 
ser s, in Tulpehocken. He felt himself drawn thither by 
an irresistible power; "and in strong faith," he says, "I 
obeyed the call, although knowing neither why nor where 

Retaining Zander, Lischy, and the Indian, as escort, he 
dispatched the rest of the company to Bethlehem, where 
they arrived in the evening. 

Zinzendorf s route, after fording the Lehigh at the Gap 
(for he probably passed down the valley of the Aquanshi 
cola), lay through the counties of Lehigh and Berks, in a 

* The Aquanshicola rises a little east of " Ross Common" Tavern, 
thence runs some eighteen miles southwest, draining the first narrow 
valley north of the Blue Mountain, and emptying into the Lehigh at the 
Gap. The old "fire-line" road skirts its upper bank for a mile from 
its mouth, and then doubling toward the Lehigh, passes the " Healing 
Waters," a chalybeate spring, on the farm of the late Stephen Snyder, 
now in possession of the Lehigh and Susquehanna R. R. Co. This 
spring was visited as early as 1746 by the Brethren, and its waters 
bottled by them for the use of invalids in Philadelphia. It is marked 
on Scull s map of 1759. 

f Meniolagomeka written also by the Brethren, Meniwolagomekah 
and Mellilolagomegok Delaware, signifying "a tract of fertile land 
stir rounded by barrens" 


southwesterly direction. Passing through Allemdngclj* and 
the valley of the Ontalaunee, or Maiden Creek, he forded 

* Allemdngel (" destitution"), a significant name given by the early 
German settlers to the present townships of Lynn, in Lehigh, and 
Albany, in Berks County, which lie adjoining at the foot of the Blue 
Mountain. Both are drained by the Ontalaunee ("t/te maiden"}. The 
soil, which is a light gravel and slate, and ill adapted to agriculture, 
barely remunerated the pioneers in that obscure corner of the Prov 
ince for their labor in tilling it. In 1741, Albany contained only thirty- 
seven taxables. A correspondent of the " Biene," in a narrative of a 
pedestrian tour through Lynn, in the summer of 1738, describes the 
church or school-house which the Brethren had built in Allemangel, 
" as an old-time, weather-boarded log-house, known throughout the 
neighborhood as the Old White Church? " It stood in Albany, near 
the line of Lehigh County. In 1843 ^ was removed. The aversion 
manifested, or perhaps the inability expressed by the settlers of Alle 
mangel to support a schoolmaster (as we infer from Zinzendorf s allu 
sion in the narrative of his journey through this barren region), was 
gradually removed, and in February of 1747 the Brethren opened a 
school there. December I4th, 1751, Nathaniel Seidel dedicated a 
newly-erected school-house (^ the Old White Church"}, on which 
occasion sixty persons partook of a love-feast, and seventeen, of the 
Sacrament. In January of 1755, Abraham Reincke officiated at the 
first interment made in the grave-yard adjoining the house. Thus 
Allemangel became the seat of a small congregation in connection 
with, and ministered to by the Brethren, until the outbreak of Indian 
barbarities in October of 1755. 

John Holder and George Biebighausen and their families, in Decem 
ber of 1769, removed from Allemangel to the lands on the Mahoning, 
which had lain idle and deserted since November of 1755- Here they 
were joined by Samuel Warner, Sr., Edmund Edmonds and others, 
from Sichem, in "the Oblong," Duchess County, New York, and or 
ganized into an English congregation, which was at first supplied from 
Bethlehem. Joseph Neisser was stationed at " Gnadenhtitten, on the 
Mahoning" in 1776. In 1778, George Schmidt was the incumbent. 
Caspar Freytag was the last minister settled there. 

After the above-named families left Allemangel, " the Old White 
Church" or school-house, was sold to the Lutherans. They erected a 
new place of worship on its site in 1843, called the " Friedens-Kirche" 


the Schuylkill, entered the borders of Tulpehocken on the 
2d of August,* and on the following day repaired to Con 
rad Weisser s house in Heidelberg. 

Here it was that he met with heads and deputies of the 
Six Nations, on their return from a memorable conference 
with Governor Thomas, at which an important subject for 
final settlement had been the persistent stay of the Dela- 
wares, within the Forks, and south of the Blue Mountain. 
With these the Count ratified a covenant of friendship in 
behalf of the Brethren as their representative, stipulating 
for permission for the latter to pass to and from,, and so 
journ within the domains of the great Iroquois Confed 
eration, not as strangers, but as friends. The meeting 
was conducted with all the etiquette and magniloquence of 
Indian diplomacy, and finally a string of wampumf was 

* G. Buttner s private diary states that Zinzendorf, in company with 
Zander and Lischy, arrived in Tulpehocken on the 2d of August, and 
that they repaired to Weisser s house on the 3d. The descriptive 
poem, appended to this paper, was written on the 1st of August, in 
Siki-hille-hocken (quaere, the land lying west of the Schuylkill, as far as 
Tulpehocken Creek?), and dispatched to Bethlehem probably by the 
Indian messenger. 

f This string of wampum was carefully preserved for the use of the 
Brethren in their subsequent dealings with the Six Nations. On his 
return to Europe, the Count handed it over to Spangenberg, who gave 
the following 


written in Lamb s Inn (Broad Oaks), County of Essex, England, 
March 10, 1743. 

This is to certify that Bro. Ludwig has entrusted to me the token of 
a covenant ratified between him and the Five Nations, or Iroquois 
(which kind of token the Indians call fathom, or belt of wampum), 
consisting of 186 beads, given him by said Iroquois on the 3d day of 
August, 1742, on his return from the Indian country; this, I say, is 
to certify that he has entrusted it personally, and in the presence of 


handed to the Count by the savages, to impress him with 
the sincerity of their decision, and for preservation as a 
perpetual token of the amicable relations just established. 
In this transaction Zinzendorf found a solution of the mys 
terious necessity which had impelled him to turn to Tulpe- 
hocken ; and he recognized a special Providence as having 
guided him thither, and there opened a door for entrance 
among a people which, of all others, could be made most 
instrumental in the spread of the gospel among the various 
tribes of North American Indians. 

This was at the time the most important result of the 
exploratory tour among the Delawares. Much of what it 
promised was never realized ; and yet, although the 
Brethren were unsuccessful in their attempts to missionate 
among the Iroquois, they could never have effected as much 
as they did among the Delawares and Mohicans had they 
failed to secure the good-will and approval of the powerful 
coalition on which the latter were in a state of unqualified 

The acquaintance made with the Delawares in the val 
leys of the Pocopoco and Aquanshicola was from that time 
unremittingly cultivated, and the Brethren Seyffert and 
Nathaniel Seidel* intrusted with the new field. When, 

sundry eye-witnesses, to my safekeeping and for judicious use; which 
I desire hereby to testify by my own name in writing, with the promise 
not to give it into other hands, unless otherwise ordered. 



* Nathaniel G. Seidel, born 1718, at Lauban, in Lusatia. Deceased 
May 17, 1782, at Bethlehem. Came to Pennsylvania in June of 1742. 
After the abrogation of the " Economy" became proprietor of the 
estates held by the Brethren in this country. While abroad, between 
1750 and 1760, was consecrated a bishop. 



in the spring of 1746, a mission settlement was com 
menced at Gnadenhlitten, on the Mahoning,* the ties of 

* Gnadenhiitten (Huts of Grace) was commenced in the spring of 
1746, on a tract of 197 acres, near the mouth of Mahoning Creek 
(Carbon County), west of the Lehigh, as a temporary home for the 
Christian Mohicans who had come to Bethlehem from Shecomeco. It 
was designed from the first to locate them permanently on the Susque- 
hanna ; the project was, however, postponed from time to time, and 
thus the settlement on the Mahoning grew, and became the seat of a 
most flourishing mission. Here Martin Mack labored from April, 
1746, to November, 1755, and here his wife, Jeannette, deceased De 
cember 15, 1749. She lies buried in the grave-yard on the hill, with 
some forty of her Indian brethren and sisters. Successive parcels of 
land were added to the original tract, on both sides of the Lehigh, 
until, in 1754, there were 1382 acres belonging to the establishment. 
In 1747, a grist- and saw-mill, erected on the Mahoning, and a black 
smith-shop, gave evidence of the march of improvement in this village 
of Christian Indians. The farm-buildings lay at the foot of the hill, 
near the creek : on its first ascent were the huts of the Indians, arranged 
in a half-moon ; behind these an orchard, and on the summit, the grave 
yard. The latter was laid out in August, 1746. November 14, 1749, 
the mission-house and chapel were solemnly dedicated by Bishop 
Cammerhoff. There were accessions from Pachgatgoch and Wech- 
quadnach in 1747 and 1748, and from Meniolagomeka in 1754. In 
May of that year, the seat of the mission was transferred to the lands 
on the east side of the Lehigh. In December the mission numbered 
137 Mohicans and Delawares, besides 86 converts residing at Wy 
oming, Nescopeck, and elsewhere in Indian villages along the Sus- 

But this child of magnificent promise was doomed to sudden de 
struction; for on the night of the 24th November, 1755, the " Family" 
of Brethren residing in the farm-house on the Mahoning was surprised 
by a party of Shawanese warriors, ten of their number shot, or toma 
hawked, or burned, and one carried into miserable captivity, which 
death soon terminated. The Indians at New Gnadenhiitten and their 
surviving missionaries fled to Bethlehem. That place was sacked on 
New- Year s Day of 1756, Fort Allen, built by Franklin, on its site, 


intercourse were drawn more closely; the missionary Bern- 
hard A. Grube* was stationed at Meniolagomeka,f in 1752, 

before the close of March, and thus a calamity befell the mission, 
from the disastrous effects of which it never fully recovered. 

In October of 1751, Nicholas Garrison, Jr., took sketches of Gnaden- 
hiitten and vicinity, which were forwarded to Europe. 

* Bernhard Adam Grube, born 1715, near Erfurth, and educated at 
Jena, came to Pennsylvania on the Irene, in June of 1746. At first he 
was employed in the schools at Bethlehem. In January of 1752 he 
was stationed at Meniolagomeka. While here, he tells us, his awk 
wardness at handling an axe almost cost him a limb, and confined him 

j- Meniolagomeka. This village lay in " Smith s Valley," eight miles 
west of the Wind Gap, on the north bank of the Aquanshicola, at the 
intersection of the old Wilkesbarre Road, which crosses the mountain 
at Smith s Gap in Eldred Township, Monroe County. The grave 
yard was one-eighth of a mile south of Mr. Edward Snyder s limestone 
quarries. Jno. Smith, deceased about ten years ago, stated that his 
father, one of the early settlers in that neighborhood, had pointed out 
to him the sites of both village and grave-yard. 

In October of 1743, A. Seyffert, D. Nitschmann, and N. Seidel, visited 
both here and on the Pocopoco Seyffert and Hagen in January of 
1744. In June of that year, Seyffert, P. Bohler, and Henry Antes. 
In February, 1748, Rauch visited at Meniolagomeka. Bishop Jno. M. 
de Watteville, on his visitation to the Brethren in America in the last- 
mentioned year, passed through Meniolagomeka to the Pocopoco. April 
25, 1749, George Rex, the captain of the village, while on a visit to 
Bethlehem, was baptized by Bishop Cammerhoff, and received the name 
of Augustus. In 1750, Secretaiy Richard Peters urged his claim to 
the lands on the Aquanshicola, on which the village lay, and desired 
the Brethren to have the Indians removed. It was this that occasioned 
the exodus from Meniolagomeka to Gnadenhiitten, on the Mahoning, 
in June of 1754. 

Abraham Buhninger was the last missionary in the Indian village 
on the Aquanshicola. 

The following draft shows the huts and population of the village in 
December of 1753. 


s s 1si zv 
J Ill s | 


E"S M 


2 v -E 


&a*S|| 8 

S ^ CX W)! 

^ 18^J 

S .8^8 & 

^ .2 o ^="~ re "5 

y^ ^^ s^ 


g "g 



and two years later the villagers, numbering fifty-one all 
told, removed to Gnadenhiitten, and were incorporated 

for weeks in a cold hut, where he lay on a board, with a wooden bowl 
for a pillow. He, in the mean time, studied the Delaware, and daily 
held meetings for the Indians. In the summer of the year he visited 
Shamokin and Wyoming, and in the Shawanese town at the latter place 
baptized a Mohican woman, whom Zinzendorf had met there in Oc 
tober of 1742. He was fifteen months at Shamokin. "Here," he 
says, " we had hard times, and lived amid dangers. Our smithy be 
came the resort of the savages passing through this central town, and 
on one occasion thirty warriors took possession of the house, and for 
eight days made it the scene of their drunken revels." 

In October, 1753, Grube was dispatched to North Carolina, to plant 
a colony of eleven young men on the tract of 100,000 acres purchased 
by the Brethren of the Earl of Granville, in what was then Rowan 
County. In the spring of the next year he returned to Bethlehem. 
Here, in 1755, he married Elizabeth Busse, and was appointed to 
Gnadenhiitten, whence he barely escaped with his life in the memor 
able night of the 24th of November. In 1758 he was dispatched to 
Pachgatgoch (Kent), in Connecticut. In October of 1760 he removed 
to Wequetanc, on Head s Creek, Monroe County, where a part of the 
Christian Indians had been located in the spring of the year. On the 
outbreak of the Pontiac war, in October of 1763, this station was 
abandoned, and Grube withdrew with his forty-four Indians to Naza 
reth and Bethlehem. From the latter place, where he was joined by 
seventy-seven Christian Indians from Nain, the faithful missionary 
accompanied his charge to the barracks at Philadelphia, and thence to 
Province Island, whither government was necessitated to remove them 
for safety. During the trying experiences made in the interval between 
November of 1763 and March, 1765, at Philadelphia, in the unsuc 
cessful attempt to effect an escape from popular fury, into New York, 
and on the return to Bethlehem, Grube approved himself true to duty, 
and brave in the face of dangers, as he had done at Wequetanc on the 
nth of October, 1763. 

His missionary career was now at an end, for, as he tells us, " in 
April of 1765 I took a sad and touching farewell of my dear Indians, 
as they set out for Wihilusing, on the Susquehanna." Soon after this 
he was stationed at Litiz, Lancaster County. In 1780 he was com- 


with the congregation of Christian Indians at that place. 
No mention of Captain Harris s village on the Pocopoco 
is made by the Brethren subsequent to 1748.* 

missioned to visit Schonbrunn, Gnadenhlitten, and Salem, mission 
stations on the Muskingum. After his return, he labored at Gnaden- 
thal, near Nazareth, and was for a year pastor of the congregation at 
Philadelphia. His last appointments were at Hope, on Paulin s Kill, in 
Warren County, New Jersey, and at Emaus, in Lehigh County, Penn 
sylvania. The evening of his long life was spent at Bethlehem, and 
on his ninety-first anniversary, the hale old man, with staff in hand, 
walked on a lovely June day ten miles to Nazareth, there once more 
to talk over with his friends the incidents of his life among the Indians. 
He deceased at Bethlehem, March 20, 1808. 

* It is questionable whether Zinzendorf and his companions pene 
trated the Pine Swamp, on the great plateau of the Broad Mountain. 
The time was too short to allow of such an undertaking. Further 
more, it is stated in the Bethlehem diary that Nicholas Garrison, Jr., 
in May of 1749, " went to the Pocopoco to take sketches of the places 
which Zinzendorf had visited seven years previous" 

In 1760 the Brethren bought lands on Head s (Hoth s) Creek, one 
of the affluents of the Pocopoco, and thither transferred their Indian 
converts from Bethlehem. This settlement was called Wequetanc. 
It lay on the flats on the north side of Wire Creek, about a quarter of 
a mile north of the State Road, where the present road to Effort leaves 
said State Road. This may have been the site of old Captain Harris s 




In Sikihillehocken, on the west bank of the Schuylkill, Philadelphia 


Hier schrieb ich einen Brief, 
Als alles um mich schlief, 
In der finstern Wiisten 
Wo wenig Voglein nisten ; 
Wird ich doch kaum inn 
Dasz die Schuylkill rinn 
Ueber Nachbar Green. 


Herr Jesu, wach st Du nicht 
In deinem stillen Licht, 
Riihrt sich niemand neben 
Dem himmlischen Gesicht 
Des Lamms, im ew gen Leben? 
Fragt die muntern Vier 
Ob sich etwas riihr? 
Euch? Wenn ruht denn ihr? 



Gewisz in Penn s-Gestrupp, 
Selbst in Allemdngelship 
Fragt kein armer Bauer 
Der seines Leibs Geripp 
So hinbringt schwer und sauer, 
Mehr nach einem Herr n 
Der die Kinder lern, 
Als ich auch hatt gern. 


Ihr auserwahlte Vier ! 
Kommt her und saget mir 
Wie ichs immer mache, 
Dasz ich mein Amt recht fiihr 
Und bleib auf meiner Sache, 
Bis sie sich nach dem Plan 
Der Kreuzcaravan, 
Heiszt in Gott Gethan. 


Doch ich verirre mich ; 
Welch Muster suche ich, 
Was vor ein Exempel ? 
Als ganz alleine Dich, 
Du lebendiger Tempel 
Aller Gottesfull, 
Der in seiner Still 
Macht so viel er will. 


Die Hauptentschuldigung 
1st vor Dir nicht genung, 


Die ich machen miisste, 
Warum ich mit der Zeit 
Nicht auszukommen wiisste. 
Flehn war deine Freud , 
In der Einsamkeit 
Und Versunkenheit. 


Das Beten blieb nie aus : 
Allein wenn Feld und Haus 
Dir nicht Raum vergonnte 
Vor der Geschafte Braus, 
So lang die Sonne brennte, 
Hat Dirs deine Wacht 
In der lieben Nacht 
Immer eingebracht. 


Ach! das erworb ne Recht 
Fiirs heilige Geschlecht, 
Das Dich Blut gekostet, 
Verleihe deinem Knecht 
(Dem oft sein Werkzeug rostet, 
Weil er s nicht so braucht 
Wie es vor Dich taugt) 
Arbeit, dasz es raucht. 

Nun, ich verlasse mich 
Auf dein Verdienst und Dich, 
Auf dein Blut das heisze, 
Das Blut vom Seitenstich, 


Das helffe mir zum Fleisze : 
Denn auch aller Muth, 
Dasz man s seine thut, 
Komt von deinem Blut. 


Inzwischen opfr ich Dir 
Ein Theil der Nachtzeit hier, 
In dem offnen Zelte 
Am Indischen Revier. 
O ! dasz es vor Dir gelte ! 
Doch vors Streiterthor 
Hat das Beterchor 
Alle Nacht dein Ohr. 


In Harmonic mit dem 
Der itzt in Bethlehem 
Priesteramtes pfleget, 
Seyn dir die Zehen Stamm 
Zuerst ans Herz geleget. 
Ach manch armes Schaaf 
Fiihlt der Gelbsuchtstraf, 
Die sein Volk betraff ! 


In Tulpehocken brennt s 
Nun rund um alle Fence : 
Denn die Nationen 
Gehn durch dieselbe Grenz 
Zuriick bin, wo sie wohnen 
Bringen meinen Pfad 


Mit dem Zeugenrad 
Bald in ihre Stadt. 

Das wird als denn gescheh n 
Wenn Stissik erst beseh n, 
Und vor diese Horden 
Mit sanftem Lobgeton 
Dem Lamm gedanket worden. 
Abratim, Israel, 
Isd V, Hannes 1 Seel 
Btirgt die Wundenhohl. 


Wenn geht der Segen an? 
Dort liberm Ocean 
1st uns eine Schule 
Der Heiden aufgethan, 
Wo auf dem Lehrerstuhle, 
Gott der Heil ge Geist, 
Manchen unterweisst, 
Der ins Wilde reist. 

O mein Herr Jesu Christ, 
Der Du so willig bist 
An dem Creuz gestorben, 
Und dasz ein Herrnhut ist, 
Dem Bethr em hast erworben ; 
In dem Streiterthor 
Sey gelobt davor 
Von dem Priesterchor. 




Das Haus Marienbom 
Des mit dem spitzen Dorn 
So zerdroschnen Hauptes, 
Das hat so manches Korn 
Gesaet, und beglaubt es : 
Segne seine Saat ! 
Es ist in der That 
Dein Novitiat. 


Vohr zehen Jahren war 
Es mit der Zeugenschaar 
So, dass itzo hundert 
Vor zehen stehen dar. 
Ich ware sehr verwundert, 
Ja, es war mir Weh, 
Wenn ich nun nicht eh 
Tausend Zeugen sah ! 


Des Lammes nachster Freund, 
Der s Lamm in allem meint, 
Und nichts anders predigt, 
Und wenn em Herze weint, 
Es in dem Lamm erledigt, 
Das Jehovah heisst, 
Sey davor gepreist, 
Herr Gott, heil ger Geist ! 




10 AUGUST 31, 1742. 

ON the nth of August, 1742, Count Zinzendorf, his 
daughter, and Anton Seyffert, left Nazareth for Sheco- 
meco, by what might be called the "overland route," 
leading almost due northeast one hundred and twenty-five 
miles to Kingston, on the Hudson. 

At that time there was no connection by road between 
Lower Smithfield, in Monroe County, the Forks of Dela 
ware, and the comparatively populous part of the Province 
south of the Lehigh. The great highway from Philadelphia 
to the Forks terminated at Nathaniel Irish s stone-quarry, 
near Iron Hill, Saucon Township. All above this was new 
country. The Blue Mountain was passable only with diffi 
culty at three depressions or gaps in that part of its barrier- 
like extent which Zinzendorf and his companions would 
cross in their course to the Delaware, at the Wind Gap, at 
Fox Gap, and at Tat s Gap, respectively eleven, five, and 
two and a half miles west of where that river escapes from 
the Kittatinny. An old Indian trail leading into the Min- 
nisinks led over the mountain through the latter. Crossing 
at the Wind Gap (even as late as 1750) was a difficult un 
dertaking, although the presence of an inn near there at 
that time would indicate the fact of its having become a 

* Twenty miles southeast of Rhinebeck, New York. 


In August of the year just named, the Rev. Henry M. 
Muhlenberg accompanied his father-in-law, Conrad Weis- 
ser, to Sopus, and in his journal writes as follows: "Aug. 
3, we rode on five miles above Nazareth, and put up for the 
night at a tavern. Aug. 9. Early in the morning we were 
in our saddles, climbed the first Blue Mountain, and were 
compelled in its ascent to lead our horses several miles 
over rocks and stones." It is not improbable, then, that 
the Count and his fellow-travelers followed the Indian path 
that led through Tat s Gap. This ride of thirty miles to 
Depew s Ford, at the Delaware, was unquestionably the 
most fatiguing part of the journey as far as Rhinebeck; for, 
after crossing that river into the Jersey Minnisinks, they 
struck into one of the oldest roads in the country, so far 
inland, and no natural avenue of trade and intercourse. 
This was the "old mine-road," constructd, it is said, at a 
very early day by Dutch adventurers from Sopus, who, fol 
lowing the first main valley* north of the Shawangunk, or 
"White Hills," and its continuation in that of the Mack- 
hackemack branch of the Delaware, penetrated the Minni 
sinks proper east of that river. Here they discovered cop 
per, worked a mine,f and built a road for the transportation 
of the ore to their settlements on the Hudson. 

It was by means of communication thus opened, that the 
Dutch now seated themselves along the whole extent of this 
beautiful valley, even to its most southerly limit, most 
numerously, however, on the Jersey shore of the Delaware. 

When Nicholas Scull, surveyor, for the first time visited 
the Minnisinks in 1 739, he was surprised to find unmistakable 
indications of very early settlement, even on the Penn- 

* The Mamakating Valley. 

f The mine was opened about three miles northwest from Nicholas 
Depew s house, in Walpack Township, Sussex County (now Warren), 
New Jersey. 


sylvania side of the river. He lodged with Mr. Samuel 
Depew, and from him learned the history of the mine- 
road, along which the latter had been accustomed for 
years to take his cider and grain to Kingston to market. 
The names of Van Etten, Van Aucken, Van Inwegen, 
Van Campen, and Cortrecht, still prevailing in the valley 
of the upper Delaware, perpetuate the memory of the Dutch 
that came down the mine-road, and opened them farms and 
built them homesteads in the historic land of the Monsey, 
or Wolf tribe, of the Lenni-Lenape.* 


(Translated from a German MS. in the Archives at Bethlehem.} 

Communicated to the Brethren in Europe in a letter written by Zinzen- 
dorf, on his way to Wyoming, dated 


Saturday, Sept. 29, 1742. 

I will proceed to communicate to you as much moref as 
I can of my second journey, and something of the one in 
which I am now engaged. I keep no diary, and have no 
gift for narrative, and these are the reasons why I have 

* John Adams, while attending Congress, during its session at Phila 
delphia, as late as 1800, passed down the "mine-road" as the most 
eligible route from Boston to that city. He was accustomed to lodge 
at Squire Van Campen s, in the Jersey Minnisinks. Information from 
Mr. Albert G. Brodhead, of Bethlehem. 

f He had given a partial account of the journey to Shecomeco in a 
former letter. 


failed to keep the dear Brethren at Bethlehem informed of 
my movements. You are indebted solely to this day of 
rest* and leisure for the following outpourings of my heart 
in reference to persons and things, which I would other 
wise not have committed to paper. As I remarked before, 
I have no faculty to relate, being inclined to forget and to 
repeat. I am also without my Secretary. f You will, there 
fore, excuse imperfections, and allow the Brethren Span- 
genbergj and Herman to select what they think proper for 
communication. Blessed are those who can read church 
intelligence aright ! 

Aug. 10. We set out from Bethlehem. 

Aug. ii. Crossed the Blue Mountain, || en route for 

* It was Saturday, and, as is well known, the Brethren of the last 
century observed that day as a day of rest. It was done agreeably to 
a proposition made by Zinzendorf at Bethlehem, on the 23d of June, 
1742, in which he expressed himself, in reference to Saturday, as fol 
lows: "The observance of this day having been enjoined on men by 
divine command, prior to the giving of the law, is obligatory upon us. 
Let us, therefore, spend it in quiet and in communion with the Saviour. 
The Jews, it is true, observe the day ; but not only as Jews, also as 
members of the human family." 

f John Jacob Miiller, the Count s amanuensis during his stay in 
America, by profession a portrait painter, from Nuremberg, united with 
the Brethren at Herrnhut in 1740. Remained in the Count s family 
until 1760. In that year he was ordained, and settled at Nisky. De 
ceased there in 1781. 

J Spangenberg spent the greater part of the year 1742 in London 
and Yorkshire. Quaere John Gothofred Herman? See Benhani s 
Memoirs of James Hut ton, p. 239. 

\ Bethlehem Diarist states that Zinzendorfs traveling companions 
were Anton Seyffert, Benigna von Zinzendorf, and Anna Nitschmann. 
The latter appears to have gone to New York, and thence up the river 
as far as Sopus. See Narrative, farther on. 

|| Quaere At the Wind Gap ? There were, however, two other passes 
over the mountain. 



Sopus.* The road tried our horses severely. We were, 
however, in a tranquil frame of mind. Anton Seyffertf 
and BenignaJ were the principal persons in the company. 

* Sopus. " Zopus is a place upon Hudson s River, 80 miles distant 
from New Yorke ; consists of 5 small towns, whose inhabitants manage 
husbandry, & have not above 3,000 acres of manureable land, all the 
rest being hills and mountains, not possible to be cultivated." Gover 
nor and Council of the Province to William of Orange, 179 1- Docii- 
mentary History of New York, vol. i. p. 407. 

"About 1 8 German miles up the N. River, half-way between the 
Manhattans and Renselaer, or Beverwyck, lies a place called by the 
Dutch, Esopus or Sypous ; by the Indians, Atkarkarton. It is an ex 
ceedingly beautiful place. There some Dutch inhabitants have settled 
themselves, and prosper especially well. They hold Sunday meetings, 
and then one among them reads something out for a postille." See 
Letter to the Classis of Amsterdam, d. 15 August, 1657. Ibid. 

Sopus was rich in horses. Here the Dutch quality of New York, 
according to Diedrich Knickerbocker, bought their switch-tails ; and 
hither, says the Bethlehem Diarist, Matthias Seybold was dispatched, in 
August of 1742, to purchase four working horses for the Bethlehem 

f Anton Seyffert was one of the nine colonists whom Spangenberg 
led to Georgia in the spring of 1735, where the Brethren proposed 
establishing themselves with the view of missionating among the 
Creeks and Cherokees. On the abandonment of the project, he ac 
companied Bohler and others to Pennsylvania in the spring of 1740, 
assisted at the building of the Whitefield house, and at the settlement 
of the Allen tract (Bethlehem). During his stay in America, he was 
the Elder of the congregation. He returned to Europe in April of 


J Benigna Henrietta Justina von Zinzendorf, oldest daughter of the 
Count, accompanied her father on many of his journeyings during his 
stay in Pennsylvania. Was born at Berthelsdorf, December 28th, 1725. 
In the spring of 1742 she was engaged in a school which the Brethren 
had opened in a house rented of Mr. J. Ashmead, in Germantown, 
for the Count and his corps of assistants. (See a letter of hers to 
the congregation in Europe, Biidingen Sammlung, Part xiii. No. 19.) 


In the evening we reached the bank of the Delaware, and 
came to Mr. De Pui s,* who is a large landholder, and 
wealthy. While at his house, he had some Indians arrested 
for robbing his orchard. 

Aug. 12 (Sunday}. His son escorted us to the church,f 

In 1746, she married John M. de Wattewille. In 1784, she accom 
panied her husband on a visitation to the Brethren s settlements in the 
United States. Deceased at Herrnhut May nth, 1789. 

* Samuel De Pui (Depew) was settled on the west bank of the Dela 
ware, three miles above the Water-Gap, prior to 1730. He was one 
of the Walloons who came to New York about 1697. Rev. H. M. 
Muhlenberg, who lodged at his house in 1750, states he had been Jus 
tice of the Peace, was a man of prominence in Smithfield, and at that 
time advanced in life. The river is fordable at the head of Depew s 
Island, a little above the house. The old homestead is still in the De- 
pew family. Nicholas, one of Samuel s sons, is well known in pro 
vincial history between 1750 and 1770. 

Bro. John Brandmiiller, who was commissioned in February of 1 747 
to visit the Walloons in the townships of Sopus and New Paltz, west 
of the Hudson, reported on his return, " that they conducted their wor 
ship partly in French, had a lector, and used the Psalms ; that a Dutch- 
Reformed Dominie preached to them occasionally ; that they had in 
termarried with the Dutch, were industrious and well to do, and had 
immigrated to New York fifty years ago." 

f There were five churches in this neighborhood. On the Pennsyl 
vania side of the river, on Depui s land, stood the Smithfield, or old 
Shawnee church, removed about 1854. On the New Jersey side, about 
eleven miles north of Depui s, in the Walpack bend of the Delaware, 
the Walpack church, removed in 1815. Seven miles above this stood 
the Skapenac, an octagon, removed prior to 1818. In its church-yard 
lie the remains of General Harrison s mother-in-law. Twelve miles 
farther on was the Minnisink church ; and eight miles above this, in 
the forks of the Delaware and Neversink, the Mackhackemac, removed 
about the time Port Jervis was settled, some forty years ago. The 
last-named four churches were on the line of the old mine-road. The 
distance between Depui s and Port Jervis is thirty-eight miles. Zin- 
zendorf visited either the Walpac or the Shapenac church, probably 


and, in course of conversation, put a number of indifferent 
and idle questions on religious subjects. My inability to 
answer him gratified rather than chagrined me, and was, I 
thought, altogether an advantage on my side. 

We dismounted at the church, and were compelled to 
listen to two sermons, which wearied us. 

In the morning the heat had been overpowering. In 
order to avoid being drawn into religious controversy, I 
went into the woods and read Josephus. The Dominie 
came to me and annoyed me with questions and remarks. 
Although my curt manner provoked him, it served to bring 
him to reflection, and he sought to propitiate me after 
wards by riding with us for several hours.* He is the 
well-known Caspar, f from Zurich, a well-meaning man, 

the former. After service, the company rode on perhaps as far as Min 
nisink, nineteen miles beyond, and halted there for the night. This 
would allow some thirty-six miles for the next day s journey, which, we 
are told, brought them half way through the valley west of the Shaw- 
angunk, the distance between Port Jervis and Kingston being upward 
of fifty-four miles. Information obtained from Mr. Albert G. Brod- 
head, of Bethlehem. 

The Brethren preached and kept a school in the upper valley of the 
Delaware, on the Jersey shore, in 1746 and 1747. In the former year, 
Joseph Shaw was settled at Walpack. Here his wife deceased. He 
also preached at the Minnisink church, and on one occasion, in April 
of 1747, had a promiscuous audience of Swedes, English, Scotch, 
Irish, Welsh, Germans, Walloons, Shawanese, Mohawks, Delawares, 
and Catawbas. 

* Quaere After service, at the Walpack church ? 

f "In 1742, Jno. Caspar Freymuth returned from Holland, whither 
he had been sent to study for the ministry, and took charge of the 4 
churches in the Minnisinks." Stickney s Hist, of the Minnisink 
Region of Orange Co., 1867. In a " Naam-register der Predicanten 
der Reformde Kerk" for 1744, Johannes Casparus Fryenmoet, is en 
rolled in charge of the churches in Menissink, Machhakomach, Wal- 
pek, and Smitsfield. Doc^^mentary History of New York. 


I must confess, one of the so-called "Convictionists," 
without much conviction, however, and yet efficient for 
good in his denomination. 

Aug. 13. As we rode along, we were joined by a man 
who complained of the burden of his sins, and who inquired 
,of me what to do to be saved. From his remarks, during 
the conversation, I failed to discover any solid ground, in 
his religious experience, on which to erect an abiding super 

On passing a house, a female stepped out, spoke to us, 
and, after the interchange of a few words, asked us to dis 
mount, adding that her son, she knew, would be pleased to 
converse with us. We were unable to gratify her wish, as 
we had purposed passing the Minnisinks, and through half 
of the wilderness beyond, and there was a journey of thirty 
miles before us. When we reached the house that stands 
in the heart of it, night had already set in, and it was dark 
as pitch. 

Aug. 14. Set out early in the morning; rode through the 
remainder of the wilderness, and reached Mombach and 
Marbletown.* We were much annoyed by ill-natured 
questions that were put to us, at a house at which we dis 
mounted. Rode on through Hurleyf to Sopus. J Here we 

* Passed the night, perhaps at the " Jagd-house," half way between 
Port Jervis and Kingston, or at Emanuel Pascal s. 

f In 1784, " Dirck Romein was pastor of Marbletown and Mom- 
bach" Marbletown, six miles west of Kingston, on the old mine- 
road, was the birthplace of Daniel Brodhead, who deceased at Beth 
lehem, in 1755, and of Rachel (nee Bogart), widow of Isaac Martens 
Ysselstein, who was settled on a farm south of the Lehigh, when the 
Brethren came into the Forks of Delaware, in 1740. 

J Hurley was a township of Ulster County as early as 1728. The 
present village of that name is a post-town, four miles west of Rondout. 
Conrad Weisser, in his Journal to Onondaga, in August of 1750, gives 
the following stations and distances : 



met Sr Anna* and Christian Fronlichf and his wife. I dis 
patched Christian to the Delawares, J to be with them at 
their festival, and retained Mary. 

In the afternoon, we resumed our journey, crossed the 
North River, and halted for the night. The people here 
regarded us as saints. 

Aug. 15. At noon we reached Bro. Jacob MauTs, in 
Rhinebeck. Having rested, we set out for Shecomeco, 
and, after riding through an almost impenetrable swamp, 
came to our journey s end at i o clock in the morning of 
the i6th.|| 

Aug. 17. Came to Nazareth. 

" 1 8. To Niklas Depuy, in Smithfield, on Delaware, 39 miles. 
" 19. " Henry Cortrecht, at Menissing, 25 " 

" 20. " Emanuel Pascal, " the Spaniard] 35 " 

" 21. " King s-town (Sopus), 44 " 

* Anna Nitschmann. See her Memoir elsewhere in these papers. 

f Christian Frohlich, from Felsburg, in Hesse, came to Pennsylvania 
in 1741, and joined the Brethren on the Whitefield tract. Missionated 
among the Delawares in Capt. John s village. (See his letter, Part 
viii. No. u, Biidingen Sammlung.) July, 1742, married Mary Esther 
Robins. Went to Europe, and returned in 1744. Again among the 
Delawares, and also at Pachgatgoch. 1750-1752, on St. Thomas. On 
his recall, remained in New York, and for upwards of twenty years 
managed the sugar-refinery of P. V. B. Livingston. Deceased at Beth 
lehem, April 5th, 1776. A confectioner by trade, in which capacity 
he was some time in the Zinzendorf family. 

% The Delawares in Capt. John s village, on the Nazareth tract. 
Quaere Which of the five great feasts annually observed by that nation ? 

\ One of the Palatines, who had immigrated to New York in 1710, 
under the auspices of Queen Anne. 

|| The site of the Indian village was about two miles south of the 
village of Pine Plains (Duchess County, New York), near " the 
Bethel" in the valley of the Shecomeco, a small stream, which, rising 
near "Federal Square" runs in a northerly direction, and falls into 
Roelif Janserfs Kill, in Columbia County. 

On the 5th of October, 1859, the Moravian Historical Society erected 



Bro. Rauch lodged us in his hut for the night, and on 
the i yth we occupied the house that had been built for us. 
I was delighted with it ; it was a perfect palace of bark, 
and furnished with a table and writing materials for my 
special convenience. My seat was on the ground. Here 
we lodged eight days, and, although it rained almost con 
tinuously, and we underwent numerous internal conflicts, 
our dear Indians had clear sky overhead, and rejoiced us 
each day anew. They are Mohicans, a confessedly worth 
less tribe of Indians. 

The Maquas, who belong to the Six Nations of the Iro- 
quois, are their neighbors, and the acknowledged head of 
that great Confederacy, although their passion for strong 
drink, by making them hopelessly indolent, has rendered 
them unworthy of the distinction. They are one division 
of the Indians with whom I ratified a covenant at Tulpe- 
hocken,* whither I had turned at the close of my journey 
into the Indian country, drawn by an irresistible power, 
which I followed in strong faith, although I knew neither 
why nor wherefore. 

The Mohicans, although naturally fierce and vindictive, 
and given to excessive drinking, are tender-hearted, and 
susceptible of good impressions. When our pale-faced 
Bro. Rauch first came among them, they regarded him as 
a fool, and threatened his life. But after his recital of the 
Saviour s sufferings had made a powerful impression upon 
the most abandoned of their number (an impression which 
allowed him peace neither day nor night, until he ex 
perienced the preciousness of grace), the work of the Lord 
proceeded, and others were moved. 

All the machinations of his mother-in-law, who sought to 

a granite block over Biittner s grave, on the farm of Mr. Edward 

* August 3, 1742. 


perplex him, were unsuccessful, although they proved effect 
ual in causing his wife and daughter to vacillate. This brand 
snatched from the fire, is no longer Tschoop,* but John, 
and is an esteemed teacher among his people. Abraham, 
Isaac, and Jacob, who, you recollect, were baptized at 
Oley,f were appointed to offices in the mission Abraham 
elder, Jacob exhorter, and Isaac sexton. 

The four are in all respects incomparable Indians, and 
men of God. When met in conference on affairs of the 
mission, they deliberated in a manner which astonished us. 
I confess that at times I felt pity for these poor people, 
whose imperfect language is inadequate for the expression 
of their new experiences, and of their views and wishes, as 
assistants in the Saviour s work. Our language is divine in 
comparison with theirs, and yet how unsatisfactorily can 
we give utterance to the emotions and aspirations of our 
hearts ! 

The result of our deliberations while at Shecomeco, was 
the adoption of the following resolutions, viz.: 

1. To mark out a new plan of operations for Bro. 
Rauch. J 

2. To preach the gospel to the whites of the neighbor 
hood, and gather a congregation from them. 

3. To organize our Mohicans into a congregation. 

* Wasamapah, alias Tschoop, baptized by the missionary, Christian 
Henry Rauch, at Shecomeco, April 16, 1742. Deceased at Bethlehem, 
August 27, 1746. 

| In Mr. John de Turck s barn, February 22, 1742, by Christian H. 

J Quaere His exploration of the Mohawk country, and visit to 
Canajoharie, or his recall to Bethlehem? 

\ This was done on the 22d of August, after the missionary Rauch 
had baptized the Indians Kaubus, Kermelok, Harris, and the wives of 
Abraham, Isaac, and Harris, who, in baptism, were called respectively 


4. To contract a marriage between Jeannette Rau* and 
Bro. Mack, to which union we have her father s consent. 

5. To visit Conrad Weisser. f 

6. To employ Benigna and Jeanette in the Indian mis 

7. To baptize twelve Indians. 

8. To appoint native assistants in the infant congregation 

9. To take with us on our return to Bethlehem, Gabriel, J 

Timothy, Jonas, Thomas, Sarah, Rebecca, and Esther. These ten con 
stituted the first congregation of Christian Indians, in charge of the 

* Daughter of John Rau, a Palatine farmer in the neighborhood, at 
whose house Bro. Rauch had been entertained on his arrival among 
the Mohicans in 1740. He deceased in July of 1768, and was buried 
at the English meeting-house in " The Oblong," by Bro. Francis 
Bohler, at that time stationed at Sichem. 

f John Conrad Weisser (father of the interpreter) immigrated to New 
York in 1710, and along with his countrymen from the Palatinate, was 
first settled on Livingstone Manor. Thence he removed to the Mo 
hawk country. In 1743, he was again residing on the east side of the 
Hudson, within half a day s journey of Shecomeco, as appears from 
the following entry in Blittner s diary, " May 4th, 1743, visited old 
C. W. and returned in the evening." In 1746, soon after his removal 
to Tulpehocken, he deceased at his son s house. Weisser, while in 
the Mohawk country, was one of the leaders of his countrymen in re 
sisting the encroachments of large Dutch landholders in Albany, who 
eventually necessitated the Palatines to vacate their farms, and migrate 
elsewhere. Some of these, following the course of the Susquehanna 
southward, and passing up the Swatara and Tulpehocken Creeks, settled 
along those streams in 1723. 

J Gabriel, alias Wanab, and Nanhan, alias Tassawachamen, Mohican 
catechumens, were baptized at Bethlehem on the I5th September fol 
lowing, the first by Zinzendorf, the second by the missionary Biittner, 
receiving in baptism the names of David and Joshua, respectively. This 
was the first baptism of Indians at Bethlehem, and performed in the 
chapel, on the upper floor of the " Gemein-house," next the Moravian 



Nanhan, and Abraham s son. Techtanoah, John s daughter, 
will not accompany us, as she is entertaining an offer of 

10. To explore Albany* and New England. 

11. To confer with Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and John, 
on our method of laboring among the heathen, and on its 
object, which is not the indiscriminate acquisition of large 
numbers, but the admission into the congregation of souls 
that have been renewed to life in Christ. 

12. To commend the awakened Indians here to the 
blessing of the Lamb, and to inform them of the course we 
design to pursue in their case. 

13. To consider the propriety of admitting a son and a 
second daughter of John Rau into our communion, and of 
appointing them to labor among the class of Indians just 

14. To take a public farewell. 

I shall never forget my stay here, and when we parted, 
it was with sadness and regret, though with mutual assur 
ances of the tenderest love. 

church. The two accompanied the Count as far as Shamokin on his 
second journey to the Indian country. 

* Albany. The County of Albany at that time embraced all of New 
York State north of Ulster, and eastward as far as Vermont. The 
heart of this extensive tract was the Valley of the Mohawk, or the Mo 
hawk country. Here Rauch and Pyrlaeus visited the Indians in 1743. 
Ranch was at Schoharie and Canajoharie. Pyrlaeus, in order to per 
fect himself in the Mohawk (which he had been studying at Conrad 
Weisser s), resided for some time with Rev. Henry Barclay, near Fort 
Hunter, and next at Canajoharie. 

To the Indians here, Mr. Barclay had been appointed Catechist in 
1735. He deceased 1764, while Rector of Trinity Church, New York. 
The Brethren never effected a settlement in the Mohawk country, 
although their missionaries visited their towns or castles as late as 



On the 24//J of August we set out on our return home, 
crossed Stissing Mountain, penetrated the wilderness be 
yond, and reached Rhinebeck. Here we found Maul s 
family down with dysentery. Jeannette was taken sick, and 
was an invalid to the end of the journey. 

Aug. 25. Crossed the North River. Sopus being the 
Sodom of New York, we resolved to pass through, and not 
spend Sunday within its borders. This prolonged our 
journey into the night, and we barely succeeded in finding 
lodgings on the other side of Hurley. 

Aug. 26 (Sunday). I spent the whole day out of doors, 
and although I kept by myself in the woods, I nevertheless 
got into difficulty. It was beyond my control to escape what 
the people here were determined to inflict upon me. For 
in the evening, as Benigna and myself were writing by 
candlelight in our lodgings, a Justice of the Peace came 
into the room, and forbade us in the King s name. He 
then left in a storm of rage. Next morning at 5 o clock 
(we were scarcely out of bed) a Constable sent by him 
arrested me, Benigna, and Anton, and led us back to Hur 
ley. Here we were examined by the Justice in public ; and 
without a proper hearing were convicted, and fined i8s. 
for Sabbath-breaking. He then dismissed us, with manifest 
regret that it \vas not in his power to impose a severer pun 
ishment. I really believe it would have afforded the people 
extreme pleasure to have seen us bound as scoffers of God 
and the King, and taken down to New York. One of our 
Indians, on being asked whether he wished to look on at 
the examination, rejoined, saying, "Why should I look on 
at such a malicious proceeding?" This answer vexed the 

Aug. 27. Reached Minnisink. 

Aug. 28. Came to the Delaware, across which we swam 
our horses. Anna, as usual, took the lead. 


Aug. 29. Jeannette was seriously indisposed, and scarcely 
able to bear up. We, however, pushed our way through the 
wilderness, crossed the Blue Mountain, and after nightfall 
reached Nazareth. Here we designed leaving Jeannette with 
the English* Brethren and Sisters. She, however, accom 
panied us, on the 3ist, to Bethlehem. 

DEPOSITION Biidingische Sammlung, Part xv. No. 18. 

"On the 26th of August, 1742, about 9 o clock A.M. we, 
the undersigned, and three Mohican converts, sat down 
near a thicket, a short distance on the other side of Hurley. 
Soon after, our Brother von Thurnstein came to us out of the 
woods, and asked us whether we intended traveling farther. 
We told him we thought of doing so. Hereupon, he earn 
estly advised us to lay over, reminding us that it was Sun 
day, that the Presbyterians took offence at Sunday-travel, 
and that on this account he had thought proper to make a 
halt. From regard to him, we did as he bade us. He re 
mained the greater part of the day in the woods (as was his 
custom), although it rained incessantly, and about candle 
light returned to the house where we were lodging. Seeing 
his daughter Benigna seated at a table, he handed her a 
poem on the Indians he had composed a few days ago, 
and asked her to copy it. She being unable to do it at 
once, he engaged in conversation, and spoke with much 
feeling of God s gracious dealings with the Economy at 
Halle, in the welfare of which institution he always took 
a lively interest. 

"In the midst of the discourse, a messenger entered the 

* The English Brethren, Powels, Hussey, Turner, Yarrel, Rice, etc. 
who had come on the Catharine in June, were organized into a congre 
gation, and settled at Nazareth. David Bruce was their Elder. This 
organization was temporary. 


room, and inquired whether any one of the company pres 
ent had known the late Isaac Ysselstein, of the Forks of 
Delaware. As Dominie von Thiirnstein had had little ac 
quaintance with him, and as he was always averse to en 
gaging in any conversation with people on Sunday, he 
referred the inquirer to Dom. A. Seyffert. Dom. von 
Thurnstein now handed the poem to his daughter to copy, 
and at the same time began to write in his memorandum. 

"Although he expressly requested that no one should dis 
turb him that day, several persons nevertheless entered the 
room and sat down. It was always left for him to conduct 
the religious discussions which usually followed the arrival of 
obtrusive visitors; but on the present occasion he confined 
himself to his writing, appearing disinclined to speak in the 
presence of the Indians, who all understood Low Dutch. 
Accordingly, he took no part in the conversation (there 
being some five or six of us, enough to answer all ques 
tions) until he was addressed personally. He had just 
finished his memoranda, and the Countess had completed 
the copying, when one of the visitors, who appeared to be 
the leader, remarked to him that he, the Dominie, seemed 
to be very industrious. Not at all, said the latter, add 
ing, at the same time, that he was merely noting down 
a few thoughts. To this the man rejoined, saying that it 
was Sunday. Hereupon, Dom. von Thurnstein, wishing 
to avoid useless controversy, observed that probably they 
differed in their religious views, but that, according to his 
belief, such writing as he had been engaged in was not 
unlawful on Sunday. The King, said the other, has 
ordered that Sunday be strictly kept in every particular, 
even in the face of the religious liberty which prevails in 
the land. 

"This remark, as well as the speaker s statement that he 
was a Justice of the Peace, and had spoken in the King s 


name, induced the Dom. to address a letter to the Gover 
nor in New York, in which he related what had happened. 

" He took this step with the presumption, that in case the 
Justice were acting illegally in the premises, it would bring 
him to reflection; in case, however, his course was lawful, 
the Governor s indorsement of it would screen himself and 
his followers from slanderous reports. As often as this 
letter was presented to the Justice for delivery, he persist 
ently returned it with coarse invective; and early next 
morning, as we were about to resume our journey, a Con 
stable, sent by him, came to the house, and arrested, with 
his tipstaff, first, the Countess Benigna, and next, Dom. A. 
Seyffert. Dom. von Thiirnstein accompanied them without 
compulsion, and hence the officer need not have touched 
him with his staff, and made a formal arrest. What else 
transpired, these deponents say not. 

"We learned subsequently that the three were fined for 
Sabbath-breaking, despite their protestations of innocence; 
that the Justice had alleged the Dominie s incivility to him 
on the previous night as the cause of the arrest, and that he 
had returned the letter written to the Governor for the last 
time, in a passion and with threats . 

"The bystanders on asking our Indians, after the arrest, 
whether they wished to be present at the examination, the 
latter replied, that they took neither interest nor pleasure 
in such a malicious proceeding. 

"Above deposition, although not made before a magis 
trate, we, the undersigned, eye-witnesses of the occurrences 
therein stated, affirm to be strictly true. 

N. N. and N. N." 



TEMBER OF 1742. 


September 29, 1742. 

CONRAD WEISSER* finally concluded to be my guide to 
the Shawanese country. 

" Conrad Weisser, for more than twenty years acting interpreter to 
the Province of Pennsylvania, was born in 1696, in Wurtemberg. In 
1710 he accompanied his parents to America, with a colony of Pala 
tines, who immigrated to New York under the auspices of Queen Anne, 
and who were settled in a body on Livingston Manor, in Columbia 
County, for the production of naval stores. In 1713 the Weisser and 
150 other families removed to Scoharie, in the Mohawk country, where 
young Conrad was schooled in the language which enabled him later 
in life to render invaluable services to the Proprietaries governors of 
Pennsylvania. In 1729 he followed his countrymen to the Swatara 
and Tulpehocken, whither numbers of them had removed a few years 
before, and here he began a farm in Heidelberg Township, Berks 
County. His fluency in Mohawk recommended him to the notice of 
the Proprietaries agents, and by special request of deputies of the Six 
Nations, met in conference with Governor Patrick Gordon, at Phila 
delphia, in 1732, he was by him appointed Interpreter for that Con 
federation. From this time his career was identified with the history 
of the Province in all its relations with the Indians. In 1734 he was 
appointed a Justice of the Peace, and in the old French War com 
missioned Colonel of all forces raised west of the Susquehanna. A 
few years before his death he removed to Reading, and while on a 
visit to his farm in Heidelberg, in July of 1760, deceased, and was 


I now proceed in the first place to state my object in 
undertaking the present journey, and will then relate some 
of its incidents. 

buried in the family grave-yard near Womelsdorf. The following in 
scription, copied from his tombstone, is the only memorial that has, as 
yet, been erected to perpetuate the remembrance of Pennsylvania s 
efficient Interpreter to the Indians : 

Dieses ist die 
Riihe Staette des 

WeyL Ehren geachteten M. Conrad Weisser. 

Derselbige ist geboren 1696, den 2 November, 

in Astaedt in Amt Herrenberg, ini 

Wnertemberger Lande, und gestorben 

1760, den 13 Juliiis, ist 

alt ivor den 63 Jahr, 

8 Monate, 13 Tage. 

Weisser s connection with the Brethren dates from the time of Span- 
genberg s sojourn among the Schwenkfelders of Towamensing Town 
ship, Montgomery County, in 1736. In that year, the two met for the 
first time ; and the information the interpreter gave him of the degraded 
condition of the Indians, led Spangenberg to present their case to the 
Brethren abroad, as one deserving special consideration. The result 
of this appeal was Christian Henry Rauch s commission. Zinzendorf, 
soon after his arrival in Pennsylvania, repaired to Tulpehocken to 
profit from Weisser s knowledge and experience, and to enlist his co 
operation in the movement he proposed to inaugurate among the 
Indians. In 1743 he visited Shecomeco. In 1745 he accompanied 
Bishop Spangenberg to Onondaga. Although disinclined to unite with 
the Brethren, not sympathizing with them in all their views and pro 
jects, he was a warm friend of their mission, and a contributor to the 
Society organized at Bethlehem in 1745 for its maintenance. We 
annex the following letter written to one of its Trustees, dated 

HEIDELBERG, February 15, 1746. 


" It is long since I received yours of December, with the enclosed 
account of the Society for the furtherance of the gospel. I am obliged 


Hitherto I have felt no freedom to operate directly upon 
the Iroquois in their seats,* as I have been unable to discern 
any promising indications or signs of grace among them, ex 
cepting in the case of a few individuals. Their intercourse 
with the French and English has not been for good. In 

to you for the trouble therein taken in sending me a copy. I have 
been very little at home since the receipt thereof. You will therefore 
be pleased to excuse my delay in writing you an answer, which I will 
do by this opportunity. 

" I desire you will let the Committee know that according to the 
Eleventh Article in the plan of the Society, I will contribute there 
unto (I mean toward the furtherance of the gospel among the Indians 
of North America), and deliver or send my contribution accord 

" By your letter I understand that the Society is likewise to be em 
ployed for the service of the white people in general ; for which service 
I have nothing to contribute nor to say. For it may be properly said 
of them what Paul says in Rom. x. 18. The method made use of in 
preaching the gospel in our days to the white people has only divided 
them more into parties and sects without any reformation, in my judg 
ment. Every party has given sufficient proof that it seeks its own, and 
not the interest of Christ Jesus. However, as to the poor Indians, it may 
be properly said of them what Paul says in the recited chapter, verses 
14-17, and therefore I assure you, that nothing shall be wanting that 
lies in my power to promote the good design of the Society among 
these poor heathens. May the great God be pleased to send true 
laborers among them by whom their souls may be brought to Christ 
Jesus, to whom be worship and glory for evermore. 

" I salute you very heartily, and am desirous to be and remain your 

" True friend and Brother, 


* The Mohawks, originally restricted to the valley of the river that 
bears their name, extended their seats in virtue of conquest, from Lake 
Champlain to the sources of the Delaware and Susquehanna Rivers. 
The Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, respectively, lived 
west of them, and south of Lake Ontario. The Tuscaroras had no 
country of their own. 


addition to the vices of civilized life they have thus acquired, 
I find they have adopted erroneous views of religion. I 
must therefore be extremely prudent, in order to succeed 
in effecting any good among them. They will be apt to 
infer from my speech, and from my connection with these 
two nations, that I am one of the same sort of people, 
which I am not. The Dutch in Japan are afraid, and I 
among the Indians am ashamed, to pass for a European 

With these considerations, I told the Iroquois distinctly 
in my first interview with them,* that I had a different 
method from those who came to instruct them in religion, 
and begged them to have patience with me, in case I failed 
at once to preach long sermons. I remarked furthermore 
that I was specially and intimately acquainted with the 
Great Spirit, and asked them finally to permit me and 
the Brethren simply to sojourn in their towns, as friends, 
and without suspicion, until such time as we should have 
mutually learned each other s peculiarities. I defined my 
position and my object in this manner, so as to avoid being 
regarded by them as a Don Quixotef in religion ; and 
also so as not to bind myself by any positive engagement. 

The six confederate tribes of the Iroquois, the Maquas, 
Onondagas, and Senecas (these are called Fathers, and 
some of them are at times cannibals), J and the Cayugas, 

* at Conrad Weisser s house, August 3, 1742. 

f It is a singular coincidence in the use of terms, that James Logan, 
in a letter to a friend, expresses himself in these words : " He (the 
Count) has lately been visiting the Iroquois. In short, he appears a 
mere knight-errant in religion, and scarce less than Don Quixote was 
in chivalry." 

J " It happened this year (1625) that the Mohicans being at war with 
the Maquas (Mohawks), requested to be assisted by the commander of 
Fort Orange and six others. Commander Knickebeck went up with 


Oneidas, and Tuscaroras (who are called Children), are 
to all outward appearance admirable hypocrites, and on 
account of their indomitable pride, as remote from Jesus 
as the heavens are distant from the earth. Therefore I 
concluded to operate upon them indirectly, and not to visit 
"their castles or towns, but rather to go to, 

i. Shamokin^ which is 80 miles from Tulpehocken, and- 

them a mile from the fort, and met the Maquas, who peppered them 
so bravely with a discharge of arrows, that they were forced to fly, 
leaving many slain, among whom were the commander and three of 
his men. Among the latter was Tymen Bouwensz, whom they de- ( 
voured, after having well-cooked him," From Wassenaer s Historie 
van Eiiropa. Amsterdam, 1621-1632. 

" In the beginning of July, 1676, those Indians who were known by 
the name of Mauguawogs, or Mohawks, i.e. man-eaters, fell on Philip 
of Pokanoket, and killed forty of his men." 

* Shamokin, situated a short distance below the Forks of the Sus-, 
quehanna on its north branch, was, in consequence of its commanding 
position, the most important Indian town in the Province of Penn 
sylvania. The Six Nations held this as a strategic point at an early 
day, and made it the seat of a Viceroy, who ruled for them the tribu 
tary tribes that dwelt along the waters of the " Winding River." It 
is mentioned by name in the Colonial Records, first in 1728. Here 
the Iroquois warriors, on their return from predatory expeditions 
against the Cherokees and Catawbas, would make a halt and hold 
carousals for the last time before reaching Onondaga. Conrad Weisser 
visited the town in March of 1737. Martin Mack and his wife were 
the first missionaries sent hither by the Brethren. Mack, in his auto 
biography, notices his stay here thus : " In Sept. of 1745, my wife and 
I were sent to Shamokin, the very seat of the Prince of darkness. 
During the four .months we resided there, we were in constant danger, 
and there Avas scarcely a night but we were compelled to leave our 
hut, and hide in the woods, from fear of the drunken savages." 

David Brainerd visited Shamokin in the same year, reaching there 
on the I3th of September, and in his journal writes : "The town lies 
partly on the east and the west shores of the river, and partly on the 
island. It contains upwards of 50 houses, and -300 inhabitants. The 


the residence of the King* of the Delawares, and of the 
Oneidaf viceroy. The latter virtually maintains the bal- 

Indians of this place are accounted the most drunken, mischievous, 
and ruffian-like fellows of any in these parts ; and Satan seems to have 
his seat in this town in an eminent manner. About one-half are Dela 
wares, the others Senecas and Tutelars." 

In the summer of 1747, the Brethren, at the chief Shikellimy s re 
quest, built a smithy at Shamokin, and on the i8th of August/Anton 
Schmid, from Bethlehem, was formally introduced by Christian H. 
Rauch to the Indians met in council- as the blacksmith of the village. 
They called him Rachiistoni. September 1 6, John Hagen deceased 
here, and was buried in the turnip-patch near the mission-house. 
Mack, Post, Pyrlaeus, Zeisberger, and other Brethren labored here 
until the abandonment of the station in October of : i755. In 1756, 
Fort Augusta was built, one mile above Shamokin. Sunbury, the 
county town of Northumberland, occupies the site of the old Indian 

* Allummapees, or Sassoonan, was King of the Delawares as early 
as 1718, and in that year headed the deputation of Indian chieftains at 
Philadelphia who signed an absolute release to the Proprietaries /bir 
the lands situate between Delaware and Susquehanna, --from Duck 
Creek to the mountains on this side Lechay, which lands had been 
granted by their ancestors to William Penn. 

In 1728 he had removed "from on Delaware to Shamokin. V, 
"The Delaware Indians last year (1746) intended. a visit to .Phila 
delphia, but were prevented by Allummapees sickness/ who is still 
alive, but not able to stir. They will come down this year, some time 
after harvest. Allummapees has no successor of. his relations, and he 
will hear of none so long as he is alive, and none -of the Indians -care, 
to meddle in the affair. Shikellimy advises that the government should 
name Allummapees successor, and set him up by their authority; that at 
this critical time there might be a man to apply to, since Allummapees 
has lost his senses, and is uncapable of doing anything." C. Weisser s 
Report to Anthony Palmer, June, 1747. 

While David Brainerd was instructing the Delawares at Sakhauwo- 
tunv, in the Forks of that river, in the truths of Christianity (between 

f Shikellimy, father of Logan. (See later.} 


ance of power between the different tribes of Indians, and 
between the Indians and the whites, in North America, 
acting agent for the Iroquois Confederacy in all affairs of 
state and war. 

2. Otstonwakin,* where Madame Montour, an Indian izecl 
French woman from Quebec, resides ; and 

May of 1744 and February of 1746), he visited Shamokin annually. 
In September of 1745, he writes from that town: "Visited the Dela 
ware King (Allummapees) who was supposed to be at the point of 
death when I was here in May last. Discoursed with him and others 
about Christianity. He appeared kindly disposed, and willing to be 

In 1747, Allummapees, together with Shikellimy, took part in the 
treaty with the Brethren concerning the erection of a smithy at their 
town. In the fall of that year he deceased. " Allummapees is dead," 
writes Weisser to Peters, in October of 1747. " Lapappiton is al 
lowed to be the fittest to succeed him, but he declines. He is afraid 
he will be envied, and consequently bewitched by some of the In 

" Allummapees would have resigned his crown before now, but as 
he had the keeping of the public treasure (that is to say of the Counsel 
Bagg), consisting of Belts of Wampum, for which he buys Liquor, and 
has been drunk for this 2 or 3 years almost constantly, it is thought 
he won t die, so long as there is one single wampum left in the bagg. 
Lapappiton is the most fittest person to be his successor. He is an 
honest, true-hearted man, and has very good natural sense ; he is also 
a sober man, between 40 or 50 years of age, and well esteemed among 
his country people and others." C. Weisser to fi. Peters, July 20, 

Teedyuscung was made King of the Delawares, west of the moun 
tains, in the spring of 1756. 

* Otstonwakin, or " French Town." Written also Olstuago, Otsne- 
hage, and Otsluacky, by Weisser, who visited the town for the first time 
in February of 1737. "It is so called" (he writes in his journal), 
" from a high rock which lies opposite. We quartered ourselves with 
Madame Montour, a French woman by birth, of good family, but now 
in mode of life a complete Indian." The village lay on both sides of 


3. Skehandowana? 100 miles from Otstomvakin, the seat 
of the nation of the Shawanese, who are confederates of the 

the mouth of the Loyal Lock (the Olstuago), which coming down from 
the northeast here empties into the West Branch. Weisser s last visit to 
Otstonwakin was in June of 1755. The village was at that time almost 
deserted. It is not noted down on Scull s Map of 1759. Montours- 
ville, in Lycoming County, occupies its site, and perpetuates the name 
of Madame Montour. 

* Skehandowana. One of the names of Wyoming Valley. The 
first allusion to this Indian Eldorado, which lay in the heart of an 
almost limitless territory that the Iroquois had made their own by 
conquest in pre-historic times, is on record in the minutes of a confer 
ence held by Governor Gordon with Indians from the Susquehanna, 
at the great meeting-house in Philadelphia, in June of 1728. On this 
occasion, the Delaware King (Allummapees) stated " that the Minni- 
sinks lived in the Forks of Susquehanna, above Meehayomy" Again, 
September 2, 1732. Metaguantagechty, the speaker added, "that 
having now ended all they have to say, they must request to be helped 
on their journey homewards (to Onondaga) with horses, from Tulpe- 
hocken to Meehayomy. 1 

According to Heckewelder, Wyoming is a corruption of APcheu- 
wami, a Delaware word signifying large plains. 

It almost appears as if Wyoming (written also Wyomen, Wyomink, 
Wyomik] were the English approximation to the Indian Meehayomy. 
The word M cheuwami does not occur in the records of transactions 
between the Governor of Pennsylvania and the Indians. Conrad 
Weisser uses the name Skehandowana in a narrative of a journey 
to Onondaga, undertaken in February of 1737. On his return from 
the great capital he writes, under date of April 26, 1737 : " We reached 
Skehandowana, where a number of Indians live, Shawanos and Ma- 
hickanders. Found there two traders from New York, and three men 
from the Maqua country, who were hunting land; their names are 
Ludwig Rasselman, Martin Dillenbach, and Piet de Niger. Here there 
is a large body of land, the like of which is not to be fotind on the 
river." Writing to Governor Morris, in December of 1755, Weisser 
reports that the Indians with whom, he had conferred at John Harris s 
Ferry, had told him that the French were influencing the Delawares 
living at Nescopec, half-way from Shamokin to Schandowana, or Wy- 



Iroquois, and a people wholly ignorant of and averse to 
Christians and Christianity. Here there are also villages 

omick. In a speech made by deputies of the Six Nations at a meeting 
with Sir William Johnson, in July of the above-mentioned year, the 
speaker said, " the land which reaches down from Oswego to Scha- 
handoTvana, we beg may not be settled by Christians." 

There were Indian towns at different times on both sides of the river. 
The Shawanese, with whom Zinzendorf desired to treat, had their 
cabins on the flats west of the Susquehanna, now the site of Ply 
mouth, or Shawnee. Near the northern limit of the valley, on the 
same side of the river, was a village inhabited principally by Mohicans. 
In 1751, some Nanticokes, outliers of the tribe, which had migrated 
from Maryland, and settled at the mouth of the Juniata in 1742, were 
residing in the lower part of the valley, on the eastern shore. The Six 
Nations continued to guard this favorite spot with jealous care until its 
evacuation, in 1756, by the mixture of Indians who were residing there 
with their consent. Up to this time they reiterated their request, and 
stated their determination " that these lands should not be settled, but 
reserved for a place of retreat to such as in this time of war and con 
fusion between the French and English might be obliged to leave their 
habitations ; and that there was no part of their lands that lay so con 
venient as Wyomink for a number to live together." And in Decem 
ber of I754> their viceroy, John Petty Shikellimy, complained to Gov 
ernor Morris, " that some foreigners and strangers who live on the 
other side of New York, and have nothing to do in these parts, are 
coming like flocks of birds to disturb us in our possession of them." 

In February of 1756, an Indian scout reported to government that 
there were three towns in the valley, one inhabited by Delawares, 
another by Shawanese, and a third by Six Nation Indians, Chikasaws 
and Mohicans. At this time it was Teedyuscung s head-quarters. 
Three months afterwards, he and his Indians left for Diahoga. 

Pursuant to a request made by the Delaware King at a treaty held 
at Easton (July 25 August 7, 1757), that government would assist 
him and his people in making a settlement in Wyoming, instructing 
them how to build houses, etc. (Prov. Records, vii. 678), Governor 
Denny appointed John Hughes, Edward Shippen, James Galbraith, 
and Charles Beaty, Commissioners " to construct a fort there, and build 


inhabited exclusively by Mohicans, besides a mixed popula 
tion of Indians. 

At the first place I designed making a short stay ; at the 
second I proposed sojourning eight days; and at the third 
about three weeks; my object being to see and learn the 
condition, of the Indians there, and to try what could be 
done for the Saviour, without exposing myself rashly to 

The Six Nations of the Iroquois are admirable warriors in 
their way, faithful as friends, but .implacable as foes; and 
yet even in the latter relation they act honorably. If, for 
instance, the ambassador of a hostile tribe which has vio 
lated national law, appear before the great Council at Onon- 
daga, he pays the penalty of his presumption by suffering 
summary death. If, however, he first apply to the Senecas, 
who control all matters of war, they either furnish him 
with an escort to the capital, or else reprimand him as fol 
lows: "Your people have been guilty of an unpardonable 
offence in murdering our ambassador. We could retaliate 
by taking your life, but this would be base. Begone, there 
fore, to your country. There we will meet you, and chas 
tise you." 

These Indians perpetuate the memory of their heroes in 
heroic poems, which are so accurately handed down orally, 

as many houses as shall be necessary for the present residence, security, 
and protection of the Indians from their enemies." 

In the spring of 1758, " Teedyuscung s town" was finished. It 
stood a little below the site of Wilkesbarre. Scull s Map of 1759 
notes it Wioming. This was the last Indian settlement in the historic 
Valley of the Five Nations. Here Teedyuscung was burnt in his 
lodge on the night of the iQth of April, 1763, and hence the Indians 
fled in October of the same year, after having struck the last blow for 
the possession of the " Great Plains," when, on the I5th of the month, 
they fell upon the whites, who a year before had come from Connec 
ticut, and built and planted upon their "perpetual reserve." 


that it is impossible for any one to boast of feats which he 
has not performed. The Black Prince* of Onondaga is a 
terrible savage. On one occasion he broke into the stock 
aded castle of the enemy, scalped the inhabitants, and 
escaped unhurt. While on a visit to Colonel Nicolls, one 
of the colonel s servants poured water on him. With a 
thrust of his knife, the enraged Indian stabbed the man in 
the stomach, so that he fell dead at his feet. Straightway 
he informed Nicolls of what had occurred. "This act," 
said the latter, "would be regarded a capital offence in 
Europe?" "With us," retorted the Prince, "trifling 
with a warrior, is regarded a capital offence, and hence I 
slew your man. If death is decreed me, here I am ; do 
with me, according to your laws." The Prince is still 

My dear Caxhaytonf is still a member of the great 
Council at Onondaga. I will give you an instance of the 
equitable manner in which this body of legislators admin 
isters justice. It was through them that the difficulties 
which Captain JohnJ had raised about our right to the 
Nazareth tract, were satisfactorily adjusted. We had 
offered to buy his claim. This Governor Thomas forbade 
us to do, as something had transpired, which in that case 
would implicate government. John and other Indians 
who like him were squatters, having leagued together, in 
formed the Proprietaries that they would not abandon their 
settlements, that they would defend themselves in case an 
attempt were made to eject them, adding that the Six Na 
tions were pledged to sustain them. Some time after this 

* Qucere The Black Briar, mentioned by Conrad Weisser as a 
Sachem at Onondaga in 1745 ? 

f A private counsellor of Cannassatego, Sachem of the Onondagas. 

J Captain John, a Delaware, son of old Captain Harris, of Pocopoco, 
and half-brother of Teedyuscung. 



(it was in June), Sachems of the Onondagas, Senecas, and 
Tuscaroras came to Philadelphia. There were no Maquas 
present. In treaties relative to the sale of lands they sel 
dom take part, as they have long since bartered away for 
rum their interest in the estates of the Confederacy. The 
deputies brought complaint against the government of 
Maryland for the remissness of the whites in that colony in 
paying for lands taken by them from the Indians.* This 
induced Gov. Thomasf to write to Annapolis ; J whence, in 
consequence of his representation, an ambassador, em 
powered by that government to render satisfaction, was 
sent to Shamokin. The Governor next brought before the 
consideration of the Sachems the case of Captain John and 

* " We have further to observe," continued Canassatego, " with re 
spect to the lands lying on the west side of the Susquehanna, that 
though brother Onas has paid us for what his people possess, yet 
some parts of that country have been taken up by persons whose place 
of residence is to the south of this Province, from whom we have 
never received any consideration. You will inform the person whose 
people are seated on our lands, that that country belongs to us in right 
of conquest. We have bought it with our blood, and taken it from 
our enemies in fair war; and we expect, as owners of that land, to 
receive such a consideration for it as the land is worth. We desire 
you will press him to send us a positive answer. Let him say yes or 
no ; if he says yes, we will treat with him ; if no, we are able to do 
ourselves justice, and we will do it by going to take payment on our 
selves." Minutes of Provincial Council, July 7, 1742. 

f George Thomas, " Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Penn 
sylvania and of the Counties of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on 
Delaware," for the Proprietaries, John and Thomas Penn, from June, 
1738, to June, 1747, in which year he returned to England. 

J " It was the opinion of the Board that the Governor write to Gov. 
Ogle, of Maryland, without delay, to inform him of the Indians com 
plaint and threats, and to request a satisfactory answer, and that his 
letter be sent by a special messenger at the public expense." Mimttes 
of Provincial Council, July 8, 1742. 



others. After having examined the drafts and deeds of 
purchase, and having satisfied themselves that the lands in 
dispute had been justly bought, they summoned the Dela- 
wares to appear and answer for their intrusion. The latter 
alleged in defense that the English had deceived them, that 
they had cheated them out of their lands, and were treating 
them like dogs, adding, that they would retaliate. Here 
upon the Iroquois, addressing the Delawares, said : 
" Cousins, you are a contentious people. The lands have 
been justly bought of us by the English. You have no 
right to them, and we order you to leave. Brother Onas* 
allotted seats to you on the other side of the Blue Mountain. 
But even there some of you have given us trouble. You 
are all children, devoid of understanding, and unable to 
govern yourselves. Therefore we now order you to come 
up to Shamokin, where you will be under our immediate 
oversight." The Delawares, hereupon, asked time for con 
sideration ; and a few weeks ago an ambassador from them 
arrived here and brought the following reply: "Uncles, 
you spoke the truth when you said that we were children, 
devoid of understanding, and unable to govern ourselves. 
We confess that we do not know what to do, and what not 
to do, and that we need fathers and guardians to watch 
over and counsel us. We thank you for your reproof, and 
next spring we will come here and occupy the lands you 
promised to give us." 

Friday, September 21, 1742. We met in conference at 
Bethlehem, in the course of which Brother Antonf installed 

* Onas. " Onas, signifying a quill, in the language of the Five 
Nations, is the name they give the Governors of Pennsylvania, since 
it was first settled by William Penn." Minutes of Provincial Council, 
September 10, 1722. 

f Anton Seyffert. 



Huber* into the office of Vice-elder. We concluded 
Benigna had better not accompany us, as the journey was 
likely to be fatiguing and dangerous. After having taken 
affectionate leave of her, of Anton, and of Rosina,f we set 
out, and took the road to Tulpehocken,J keeping between 
Long Swamp and the Oley Hills. || We rode on until 
late at night. Before we reached our place of destination 
it grew dark as pitch, and riding became very difficult. I 

* John Michael Huber, from the Tyrol, came to Pennsylvania with 
the first colony of Brethren in June of 1742. Lost at sea in a hurri 
cane on the passage to St. Thomas, in October of 1747, along with the 
missionaries Joseph and Mary Shaw. 

f Rosina, wife of Bishop David Nitschmann, came to America with 
Zinzendorf in December of 1741. She was appointed Eldress of the 
Bethlehem congregation in June of 1742. 

J Tulpehocken originally comprised the lands lying along the creek 
of that name, now in the counties of Berks and Lebanon. It is here used 
to designate Heidelberg Township, in which Conrad Weisser resided. 

| Long Swamp, now a township in the southeastern part of Berks 
County. It is noted on Scull s map of 1759. 

|| The Oley Hills are a continuation of the South Mountain, and 
terminate at Reading. Oley (Swedish ?), also called Malothon, Moletten, 
Molatton (now a township of Berks County, west of the Manatawny], 
was settled by the Swedes prior to 1700. About 1712 the De Tiircks, 
the Bertolets, the De Levans, the De Langs, and other French Hugue 
nots from Esopus, took up farms in Oley. With these, and also 
with John and Henry Leimbach and other families, the Brethren 
became acquainted through Eschenbach. As Oley was within his 
circuit, Zinzendorf, on his first tour through the German settlements 
southwest of Bethlehem, preached there, in Mr. John Bertolet s house, 
on second Christmas, 1741. 

In 1745 a school for boys and girls was opened by the Brethren 
on the farm of John Leimbach. In 1750 a building for that purpose 
was erected by them, and dedicated, in December of the year, by 
Gottlieb Pezold. In July of 1751 the school was discontinued. The 
house is said to be still standing. Several of the Leimbachs removed 
to Moravian settlements in North Carolina in 1765. 

7 6 


was struck on the cheek and on the left eye by the limb 
of a tree, and several of the Sisters fell from their horses. 
No one, however, was seriously injured. At last we entered 
the borders of Oley, and reached Brother Biirstler s* house. 
As the family were in bed and asleep, we awakened them by 
singing " Herr Zebaoth"^ whereupon they recognized 
their visitors, and gave us a hearty reception. 

Sept. 22. Came as far as Henry Leimbach s.J Here we 
laid over, as I was expecting the Elder, and as it was 
Saturday. I retired into my private apartment to attend to 

* Jacob Burstler, a Palatine. In 1747 he had 102 acres of land on 
the Lehigh Mountain patented him by the three Penns. This he sold 
to the Brethren in 1749. Still residing in Oley in 1755, in the spring 
of which year his wife came to Bethlehem to instruct the girls of " Ihe 
Family" in the manufacture of straw hats, 
f Herr Zebaoth ! 

Du wahrer Gott der Kreatur ! 

Gott, Schopfer der Natur ! 

Gott, der die ganze Welt erhalt ! 

Und was verdarb 

Mit Blut erwarb 

Und heiliget, 

Sey von uns angebet ! 

" So wahr Du lebst, 
Und dich erhebst auf Cherubim, 
Und blendst die Seraphim, 
Und der Jehova bist und Christ ; 
So bleibt dein Blut 
Das hochste Gut 
Der Siinderschaar ; 
Du bist uns alles gar!" 

" Hymnus der Genuine zu Bethlehem, mit der See-Gemeine vol- 
lendet? June 13, 1742. 

J Henry Leimbach accompanied the Count and his companions as 
far as Otstonwakin. 
\ Anton Seyffert. 



correspondence and to official business, although I was in 
disposed, as I had been since leaving Bethlehem. We 
fitted Sr. Molther* out for Europe, confirmed Pyrlaeus st 
appointment to Philadelphia, J and Biittner s to Shecomeco. 
I had a long and edifying conversation with Antes, || who 
had come specially to see me, about our work in general. 

* Johanna Sophia Molther, wife of Philip H. Molther, who at this 
time was laboring in England with Spangenberg. She had come to 
America with Anna Nitschmann in December of 1740, to aid Andrew 
Eschenbach in the cause of home missions among the destitute German 
immigrants. Deceased at Herrnhut in 1800. 

f John Christopher Pyrlaeus. 

J As minister of the gospel among the Lutherans. 

\ Buttner left Bethlehem for his new field on the 4th October, 1742. 

|| Henry Antes, wheelwright and farmer in " Falkner s Swamp," 
now Frederic Township, Montgomery County, became acquainted with 
the Brethren through Spangenberg, while the latter was residing at 
Christopher Wiegner s, in Skippack, between 1736 and 1739. Until 
his decease in 1755, Mr. Antes maintained friendly relations with the 
Brethren, and for five years (1745-1750) resided with his family at 
Bethlehem. Here he was intrusted with the secular affairs of the 
settlement, superintending the erection of buildings and mills both at 
that pl^ce, on the Nazareth tract, and at the Mahoning Station. His 
farm and house were in the mean time rented by the Brethren, and 
the latter used as a school for boys. So great was the confidence they 
reposed in him, that they had the deeds to their first purchases of lands 
drawn up in his name, they" being prevented, as foreigners, from having 
any^gal title to them. In 1752 he accompanied Bishop Spangenberg 
on a tour of exploration into the wilds of North Carolina. He deceased 
on his farm on the 2Oth of July, 1755. A number of official Brethren 
from Bethlehem attended his funeral, and Spangenberg, in the course 
of the services, bore public testimony to the Christian worth of the 
pious layman of Frederic Township. His children were educated at 
the schools of the Brethren. Margaret, a daughter, accompanied Zin- 
zendorf to Europe in January of 1743, and was married to Benjamin 
Latrobe at Herrnhut in April of 1756. John, a son, united with the 
Brethren at Bethlehem in 1752, and entered the service of his adopted 


Sept. 23. Antes preached with unction. After service we 
set out for Tulpehocken. On the way we concluded that 
Bohler should accompany us. The Indian Joshua resolved 
to go with us also. As we were riding along we met Weis- 
ser, accompanied by an English Justice of the Peace and 
an Anabaptist preacher. The latter plied me with curious 
questions, which I declined answering. I came to the con 
clusion that the Baptists are the Inquisitors of Christianity. 
Conrad pointed out a remarkable spring,* the largest in 
this section of country, covering an acre of ground, and 
fifteen feet deep. It drives a mill at its very outlet. 

In Tulpehocken I had a slight contest with Satan about 
the sacraments. A fierce fight was imminent, but a few 
hours removed the occasion of offence. I changed my plan 
in reference to Meurer,f and felt dispirited. His hearers 

church. Pursuant to a call to Cairo, he started for London in the 
spring of 1769. Here he embarked for Alexandria. At Cairo he met 
the missionaries Hocker and Danke, awaiting a favorable season for 
an entrance into Upper Egypt, where they designed to missionate 
among the Copts. The intelligence which the traveler Bruce brought 
to them, on his return from Abyssinia in 1773, of the implacable ani 
mosity of the Copts against all Christians, discouraged them from 
making any attempt in that field. In 1781, John Antes was recalled 
to Europe. He deceased at Bristol, England, December n, 1811. 

* Sinking Spring, five miles southwest of Reading. 

f John Philip Meurer, from Alsace, came to Pennsylvania in June of 
1742. Succeeded G. Biittner in the ministry among one party of Lu 
therans, who had requested Zinzendorf on his first visit to Tulpe 
hocken, in February of 1742, to supply them with a pastor. In 1745 
left, and labored in the gospel successively in Donegal, Lebanon, along 
the Swatara, in York, Oley, Salzburg, and Lynn. Deceased at Beth 
lehem in April, 1760. The log-church at which the Brethren at first 
preached in Tulpehocken had been built about 1730, and was four 
miles from Weisser s house. In 1744 they erected a place of worship 
on Tobias Bockel s farm, which was consecrated in April of 1745 by 



presume to rank him equal with, and even superior to Biitt- 
ner or Eschenbach.* I conferred on him temporary powers 
as minister of the gospel by giving him a written certificate 
to that effect, and this satisfied them. I feel convinced that 
he will discharge his new functions with acceptance and 

. The plan I had proposed for the journey was somewhat 
disconcerted by two circumstances which transpired while 
I was here. In the first place, a message was brought to 
Conrad, in reference to his embassy to Shamokin in the in 
terests of the government of Maryland, by which we learned 
that Governor Thomas endeavored by all the means in his 
power to dissuade him from accompanying me. The Gov 
ernor even went so far as to urge him to weigh the insig 
nificance of my journey with the importance of the services 
he could render him as his partisan in the disagreement 
existing between him and the Assembly. The expressions 
made use of by the Governor were highly unbecoming a 
person in his position. Conrad, however, after some hesi 
tation, resolved to accompany me. A second source of 

Spangenberg, and the log-church reverted to the Lutherans. This was 
the Heidelberg church. Ellert Coortsen was the last incumbent. He 
left in 1795. 

* Andrew Eschenbach, from Naumburg, was sent to Pennsylvania 
by the Brethren to continue the work that Spangenberg had initiated 
among the Germans, as well as to second Whitefield in his great re 
ligious movement among a population that his preaching failed to 
reach. Eschenbach arrived at Philadelphia in October of 1740. Set 
ting out from here, he preached the gospel at Germantown, in Skip- 
pack, Frederictown, Oley, Conestoga, Tulpehocken, Heidelberg, and 
along Mill Creek, preparing the way for Moravian settlements in most 
of these neighborhoods. He was, therefore, the pioneer in the work 
of home-missions, to which the Brethren devoted themselves with sur 
prising energy between 1742 and 1750. In 1747, Eschenbach with 
drew from their communion. Deceased on his farm, in Oley, in 1763. 


annoyance was the intelligence I had received of the Neu- 
berts * arrival from England, of their inopportune stay at 
Philadelphia, and of the sensation they had caused at Beth 
lehem by having brought with them an adopted child. 

Dated In tent on the bank of the Otschtonwaky (Loyal 
Sock), en route for the Shawanese and other Indians of 
Skehandowana, Oct. 3, 1742. 

Sept. 24. Set out from Weisser s,f and in the evening 
came to a log-house at the foot of the Kittatinny,J or Blue 
Mountain. Just before we reached the end of the day s 
journey, and not far from our contemplated stopping-place, 
a man met us, and in a very friendly way offered us a bottle 
of wine. Weisser remarked that as he was aged he per 
haps wished to do one more good act in his life. I, how 
ever, ascertained, before we left the house at which we 
lodged, that he had a petty suit-at-law pending, and as 
Weisser was a Justice of the Peace, he evidently wished to 
conciliate him.S 

* Daniel and Hannah Neubert. 

} Near Womelsdorf. 

J Written also Kechkachtany, Kittochtinny, Delaware, signifying 
endless hills. 

$ The route taken by the travelers from Weisser s to Shamokin, was 
probably the same that the interpreter had followed on his memorable 
journey to Onondaga, in February of 1739, by which Spangenberg 
had traveled thither in 1745, and which is traced on an old map of 
Pennsylvania, drawn by the Brethren to show the various neighbor 
hoods and points in the Province where they labored. In 1742 this 
route still lay within the Counties of Lancaster and Philadelphia, bear 
ing away from Heidelberg, or Tulpehocken, about forty miles to the 
northwest. The passage of the " first Blue Mountain" was effected at 
the Great Swatara Gap in Lebanon County, called Tolheo by the In 
dians, corrupted into " The Hole" Here Bethel was commenced a 
few years later, and here in 1754 there was erected a block-house, gar- 


Sept. 25. The weather was very unpleasant. We crossed 
an exceedingly high mountain,* which was almost impass- 

risoned by Captain Busse s Company of the Pennsylvania Battalion, 
commanded by Lieut.-Col. Weisser. From this point the road led 
through an Alpine region of country over the successive ridges that 
run parallel to the Kittatinny, over Second, Third, Peters s, Berry s, 
and Mahantango Mountains, in Dauphin, and over Line and Mahanoy 
Mountains, in Northumberland. The Wicomsco, Mahantango, Maha 
noy, and Shamokin Creeks were the largest streams that lay in the way. 
Weisser has the following record in his journal : " Feb. 28, 1737- We 
remained at Tolheo on account of bad weather, and to procure some 
necessaries for the journey. March I, we set out from Tolheo, which 
is the last place in the inhabited part of Pennsylvania, and the same 
day we reached the top of the Kiditanny Mountain. The snow 
was about a foot deep. The 2d and 3d, we found nothing but ice 
under the new-fallen snow on the north side of the mountain, which 
caused dangerous falls to ourselves and horses. The 4th, we reached 

The map of Pennsylvania alluded to above, notes the places at which 
the Count and his fellow-travelers halted on the journey, in the follow 
ing order: Ludwig s Fotintain (south of Swatara Gap), The Hole, 
ErdtmitJi s Spring, Ludwig^s Rest, Anna s Valley, Benigna s Creek, 
The Double Eagle, Jacob s Heights, Filrstenberg, Kdnigsberg, and 
Shamokin. Most of these names were probably given by the Count 
for present and absent friends. 

Spangenberg s journal is more explicit in the enumeration of the 
stations. He writes as follows : " May 31, 1745. Set out from Tulpe- 
hocken, crossed the Great Swatara, and climbed the steep and rocky 
Thurnstein. On its summit drank of ErdmutK s Spring, descended 
the mountain, and nooned at Ludwig s Rest. Next came to Anna s 
Valley, and encamped on Benigncts Creek (quaere the Mahantango ?}, 
near The Double Eagle? June \st. Crossed LeimbacJi s Creek (quaere 
the Mahanoyl], ascended Jacob s Heights, and at noon struck the 
Susquehanna, fifteen miles south of Shamokin. Now passed through 
Joseph s Valley. Having rested at Marienborn, we climbed the steep 
Spangenberg^*^ Eve s Creek (the Shamokin), and arrived at Sha 

* Quaere Third Mountain ? Zinzendorf was also Count and Lord 


able on account of rocks and sharp stones. As the ridge 
had no name, and as it lay in the route usually traveled by 
Weisser and by the Six Nations, he named it Thilrnstein. 
The forest here was of high growth, composed chiefly of 
the tallest hemlocks, and we were about entering upon a 
very wild region of country. We fixed our first encamp 
ment on the journey at the foot of the mountain, and passed 
the night comfortably in the spacious tent with which we 
were provided. 

Sept. 26. We passed a memorial stone that had been set 
up by an Iroquois brave. On it was a delineation of his 
person so accurately executed as even to represent the lines 
cut in upon his face. Besides, he had affixed strokes of red, 
black, and white paint, respectively indicating the different 
fights in which he had been engaged ; the red strokes by their 
number denoting his victories, the black his defeats, and 
the white the drawn battles in which he had contended. At 
Conrad Weisser s Creek we had passed a stone with a simi 
lar painting, from the character of which we discerned that 
the hero who had erected it belonged to the Wolf tribe or 
division of Indians, for they are divided into three, called 
the Wolf, the Bear, and the Turtle. Not far from the 
same place we saw also the tomb of a hero. On this day 
we met with fewer difficulties on the road, but had to en 
camp for the night in a savage wilderness, and David grew 

Sept. 28. The word of Scripture which had been allotted 
us as a subject for meditation contained a promise of en- 

of Pottendorf, and Lord of the Baronies of Freydeck, Schoneck, and 
Thurnstein. The latter was the name he retained when, soon after 
his arrival in Pennsylvania, he renounced his rank so as to screen the 
name of Zinzendorf from the opprobrium he feared would be cast upon 
it by the assaults of his detractors. See Bitdingische Sammlung, Part 
xv. No. 17. 


cotiragement. I remarked that we would see this promise 
fulfilled before night, as the Lord designed to encourage 
us by permitting us to meet Shikellimy.* "That is im- 

* Shikellimy, alias Sivatane, an Oneida chief of the Oquacho, or Wolf 
tribe of Indians, was in 1728 acting representative of. the Five Nations 
in business affairs with the Proprietary government. About 1745 he 
was appointed their vicegerent, and in this capacity administered their 
tributaries within the Province, with Shamokin for his seat. It was 
because of the large influence he came in this way to wield that the 
English always courted his favor, and this they ever retained. Scarce 
a treaty (and these were of frequent occurrence between 1728 and 
1748, respecting the purchase of lands) but Shikellimy was present, 
and by his moderate counsels aided in an amicable solution of the 
intricate questions with which these conferences were concerned. The 
acquaintance which Zinzendorf made with him was carefully followed 
up by the Brethren, and ripened into a friendship which ceased only 
with the death of the noble old chief. In the summer of 1745 he was 
Spangenberg s escort to Onondaga. During a stay of three weeks at 
Bethlehem, prior to setting out on the journey, he formally adopted 
several of the leading Brethren into the Indian race by naming them 
for distinguished chiefs, an act which conferred privileges as well as 
honor upon the recipients. Spangenberg received the name T gir- 
hitontie, " a row of trees," on the way to Onondaga. It was at Shi- 
kellimy s request that the Brethren built a smithy at Shamokin in 1747, 
which then became the central point of their operations along the Sus- 
quehanna. Marx Kieffer, the resolute blacksmith, kept to his anvil 
here until late in October of 1755, and was the last white man to leave 
the doomed region, in which the sudden appearance of French Indians, 
painted for war, betokened the approach of the storm that was soon to 
sweep the defenseless borders of the Province. 

" On the 6th of October, 1747, I set out for Shamokin, by the way 
of Paxtang, because the weather was bad. I arrived at Shamokin on 
the 9th, about noon. I was surprised to see Shikellimy in such a 
miserable condition as ever my eyes beheld ; he was hardly able to 
stretch out his hand to bid me welcome ; in the same condition was 
his* wife, his three sons not quite so bad ; also one of his daughters, 
and two or three of his grandchildren, all had the fever ; there were 
three buried out of the family a few days before, viz., Cajadies, Shi- 


possible," said Conrad. " Shikellimy can, under no cir 
cumstances, return to Shamokin within six weeks." This 
he said, as the Sachem had undertaken a journey to Onon- 
daga in the interests of Maryland, and not a week had 
elapsed since he had parted with him at Tulpehocken. 

We traveled on, and soon struck the lovely Susquehanna. 
Riding along its bank, we came to the boundary of Sha 
mokin, a precipitous hill, such as I scarce ever saw. I was 
reminded by it of Wenzel Neisser s experience in Italy. 
Anna,* who is the most courageous of our number, and a 

kellimy s son-in-law, that had been married to his daughter above 
fifteen years, and reckoned the best hunter among all the Indians ; also 
his oldest son s wife, and his grandchild. Next morning, I adminis 
tered the medicines to Shikellimy and one of his sons, under the direc 
tion of Doctor Graeme, which had a very good effect upon both. Shi 
kellimy was able to walk about with me with a stick in his hand before 
I left Shamokin, which was on the I2th, in the afternoon." C. Weis- 
ser to Provincial Council, 

Shikellimy died at Shamokin, December 17, 1748, in the presence 
of a daughter, and of the missionary, David Zeisberger, who had at 
tended him in his illness. Several days after his decease, his second 
son, Logan, returned home from a far-off journey, to weep over the 
lifeless body of the parent he so much esteemed. The Brethren, Zeis 
berger and Henry Fry, made him a coffin, and the Indians, having 
painted the corpse in gay colors, and decked it with the choicest orna 
ments, carried the remains of their honored chieftain to the burial-place 
of his fathers on the banks of the " Winding River." 

Shikellimy was succeeded in the vicegerency by his oldest son, 
Tachnachdoarus, "a spreading oak," alias John Shikellimy. His 
second son was James Logan, named for Secretary Logan, of German- 
town. Logan was lame. John Petty was the youngest of the three 
brothers, and bore the name of an Indian-trader. 

* Anna Nitschmann, born 1715, at Kunewalde, in Moravia, was the 
daughter of David Nitschmann, Sr., a Moravian confessor, and a fugi 
tive from Roman Catholic persecution. Fled to Herrnhut with her 
parents in 1725. While here, she became the subject of deep religious 
impressions, was admitted into communion with the Brethren, and, 


heroine, led in the descent. I took the train of her riding- 
habit in my hand to steady me in the saddle, Conrad held 
to the skirt of my overcoat, and Bohler to Conrad s. In 
this way we mutually supported each other, and the Saviour 
assisted us in descending the hill in safety. Toward even 
ing we reached Shamokin, where Conrad, to his surprise, 
met Shikellimy, by whom he was welcomed to the town. 

While the tent was being pitched, I took a stroll. An 
Indian whom I chanced to meet presented me with a melon, 

before having attained her fifteenth year, filled the responsible office of 
Eldress of the congregation. In 1736 she left Herrnhut, and with 
others accompanied Count Zinzendorf into banishment to the Castle of 
Ronneburg, near Frankfort-on-the-Main. The next year she spent in 
England. In 1740 she sailed for Pennsylvania, in company with her 
father, Christian Frohlich, David Nitschmann, Episc., and Johanna S. 
Molther. Here she and Molther traveled through the rural districts, 
laboring in spiritual things among the females and children of the 
different and distant neighborhoods which constituted Eschenbach s 
circuit. So as not to be a burden to the hard-working people among 
whom she missionated, she assisted them in the labors of the house and 
of the farm ; for Anna Nitschmann was the daughter of a peasant, and 
had often watched her father s sheep in the pastures of Kunewalde. On 
Zinzendorf s arrival in Pennsylvania, she repaired to Philadelphia, and 
thence to Germantown, where, in company with his daughter Benigna, 
she was employed in the Brethren s school for children. "In 1742," 
she writes in her autobiography, " we were three times among the In 
dians. The last journey was into the heart of their country, where we 
sojourned forty-nine days, encamping under the open heavens in a 
savage wilderness, amid wild beasts and venomous snakes." She re 
turned to England with Zinzendorf. The interval of her life between 
1743 and 1756 was passed in England and on the Continent. In June 
of 1757, not long after the decease of Countess Erdmuth, she became 
Zinzendorf s consort, and on the 2 1st of May, 1760, followed the man 
at whose side she had labored many years in the cause of Christ s 
kingdom, into the eternal world. Several of her sacred lyrics are in 
the authorized collection of German hymns in use in the Brethren s 
Church, and are incomparably beautiful. 


in return for which I gave him my fur cap. I also met Shi- 
kellimy. The Viceroy took my hand in his, pressed it re 
peatedly, and then turned to Weisser, "to steal my mission" 
as the Indians say; in other words, to sound him as to what 
proposals I intended to make. The latter reiterated what 
he had already told him, saying that I was a servant of the 
living God ; that as such I wrought in a different way from 
others of that class who had called upon him, and that I 
taught mercy and grace, and not works or moral duties, as 
a ground of pardon or justification. Shikellimy hereupon 
expressed his pleasure at the arrival of such a messenger 
among his people, and then took Conrad into his lodge. 

On returning to the tent from my stroll, I found Jeannette 
engaged in conversation with a Mohican woman. They 
conversed in Indian. I was surprised at meeting a Mohican 
at Shamokin, and more so on learning that the woman was 
the sister of Nannachdausch, who had built my hut at She- 
comeco, and who had been my provider while there. This 
was a trifling coincidence; but Shikellimy s presence I inter 
preted as- a special divine token. I need not say it was 
opportune, for Joshua was indisposed, and David was dis 
heartened on account of the fatigues of the journey, and 
we needed encouragement. 

The train of circumstances which had resulted in Shi- 
kellimy s unexpected and early return to Shamokin, was. 
this. While on the way to Onondaga he had met Cax- 
hayton, the Indian with whom I became acquainted at 
Philadelphia. Shikellimy deputed him to convey the dis 
patches with which he had been intrusted to the Iroquois, 
notifying the latter that the bearer had been duly author 
ized. Thus he was at liberty to return ; and at the same 
time he brought word to Weisser from the Shawanese King 
at Skehandowana, that he wished to see him once more 
before he died. 


On the previous evening, while reprimanding David, I 
had almost stepped into a pitfall, when, although I had 
been severe in my remarks, he kindly pointed out the 

Sept. 29. Shikellimy came into my tent. Seating myself 
between him and Conrad, I requested an audience. It 
having been granted, I proceeded to explain the object of 
my visit, stating that already in early childhood I had been 
favored with an intimate acquaintance with God, with his 
being and with his attributes, and that I had come hither 
in order to reveal this knowledge to the Indians. Where, 
or in what tribe I would begin to teach, I had not yet de 
termined; it being my custom, I continued, to instruct only 
such as God himself had already addressed, and who felt 
the need of some one to interpret to them the meaning of 
the words He had spoken. In reply, he said that he ap 
proved of my object, and expressed a willingness at the 
same time to aid me in its accomplishment. 

I next observed that his own case was an illustration in 
point, and went on to relate my experience. " My early 
return home and your arrival here simultaneously," re 
sponded the Sachem, "are an extraordinary coincidence. 
I believe it was preordained." Hereupon, perceiving that 
he had no shirt, I handed him one, begging him to accept 
it as a token of my childlike intercourse with him, and not 
as a gift. "I thank you," he replied, as he took it. 

I will now proceed to describe Shikellimy more fully As 
the Iroquois Sachems were about setting out for home, after 
my interview with them in Tulpehocken, I took occasion to 
study their peculiarities. One of them in particular arrested 
my attention. I was irresistibly drawn toward him, and I 
longed to tell him of the Saviour. "He is my choice," I 
remarked to Conrad (presuming the man to be Canassatego, 
of whom he had just spoken to me in the highest terms). 


1 1 He is the Onondaga Sachem, I presume ?" " No, replied 
Conrad, "he is Shikellimy, the Oneida." These words, I 
confess, disconcerted me, as it was altogether improbable 
that we would visit the Oneida country. On learning, 
however, that Shikellimy resided at Shamokin (which town 
we intended to visit on the way to the Shawanese), I was 
reassured, and I also regarded our final determination not 
to journey to the Mohawks as significantly providential. 

On the road hither, I spoke much of Shikellimy, and of 
the hopes I entertained of enlisting him in my service. 
Weisser persisted in assuring me that, in consequence of his 
prior engagements, the Sachem would be absent, and hence 
it was presumption in me to reckon on his co-operation. He 
spoke so positively, that I was almost inclined to believe 
that Satan was bent upon foiling me. 

"As you appear to be fascinated by this Indian," said 
Conrad, "I will relate you an incident, which will serve to 
illustrate his character. While on a journey to Onondaga, 
whither I had been sent to negotiate a peace between the 
Iroquois and the Cherokees,* and while passing through a 

* " The Hon. James Logan, the President, acquainted the Board, 
that not long after receiving, on the 2oth of Dec r last (1736), the let 
ter from the Governor of Virginia on the subject of negotiating a peace 
between the Indians of the Six Nations and the Southern Indians, 
the Cherokees and Catawbas, he, the President, had an opportunity 
of seeing Conrad Weisser in this place, and judging him, from the ex 
perience this government has had of his honesty and fidelity, to be the 
most proper person to carry to the Six Nations the message proposed 
in that letter, he, the President, engaged Weisser to undertake the 
business, and gave him proper instructions to that end ; that being re 
turned, he, in his own words and handwriting, had given a very distinct 
and satisfactory account of the errand he was sent on, in a paper, which 
being laid before the Board and read, the answer of the Six Nations 
is, in substance, that they were ready and willing to treat and conclude 
a peace with their enemies, the Southern Indians, and proposed Albany 
for the place of meeting, where they desired their Brother Onas might 


savage wilderness, I was one day so completely exhausted 
that I left my companions, and sat down by a tree, resolved 
to die. Starvation stared me in the face, and death by 
freezing was preferable to death by hunger. They hallooed 
and shot signal-guns, but I remained quiet. 

Shikellimy was the first one to discover me. Coming be 
fore me, he stood in deep thought, and in silence, and after 
some time asked me why I was there. I am here to die, 
I replied. Ah! brother, said he, only lately you en 
treated us not to despond, and will you now give way to 
despair? Not in the least shaken in my resolution by this 
appeal, I replied by saying, My good Shikellimy, as death 
is inevitable, I will die where I am, and nothing shall pre 
vail upon me to leave this spot. Ah! brother, resumed 
the Sachem, you told me that we were prone to forget 
God in bright days, and to remember him in dark days. 
These are dark days. Let us then not forget God ; and 
who knows but what He is even now near, and about to 
come to our succor ? Rise, brother ! and we will journey 
on. I felt ashamed at this rebuke administered by a poor 
heathen, rose, and dragged myself away. 

"Two days after this occurrence we reached Onondaga. "* 

be present, and that they had agreed to a cessation of arms for one 
year." Mimttes of Provincial Council, May 12, 1737. 

* " In the year 1737 I was sent the first time to Onondaga, at the 
desire of the governor of Virginia. I departed in the latter end of 
February very unexpectedly for a journey of 500 English miles, through 
a wilderness where there was neither road nor path, and at such a time 
of the year when animals could not meet with food. There were with 
me a Dutchman and three Indians. 

" On the Qth of April I found myself extremely weak, through the 
fatigues of so long a journey with cold and hunger which I had suf 
fered. There having fallen a fresh snow about twenty inches deep, 
and we being yet three days journey from Onondaga in a frightful 
wilderness, my spirit failed, my body trembled and shook, and I 



Such was Shikellimy, the Sachem who had arrested my at 
tention in Tulpehocken, and with whom I had been brought 
into contact by the Providence of the Lamb. 

Meanwhile the Lord was trying our faith; for David, 
who was disheartened on account of the length and fatigues 
of the journey, declared his inability to proceed farther, 
and Joshua fell sick. David s conduct displeased me. 
Perceiving that he was growing irritable, I advised him, by 
all means, to turn back in time. He said he would. And 
yet he remained sullen. I accordingly took him to task, and 
although I did this severely, I found that I effected nothing 
as long as I failed to convict him of the true cause of his 
conduct. The moment I did this, however, he manifested 
contrition, grew cheerful, kissed my hand, and became 
perfectly docile. 

I desire to impress the Brethren with the necessity of 
exercising patience and wisdom in their intercourse with 
the Indians, and of abstaining from conjecture when ad 
ducing the reasons of things, which reasons the latter 
already know, as they fail to discriminate between emotions 

thought I should fall down and die. I stepped aside, and sat down 
under a tree, expecting there to die. My companions soon missed me. 
The Indians came back and found me sitting there. They remained 
awhile silent; at last the old Indian said, My dear companion, thou 
hast hitherto encouraged us; wilt thou now quite give up? Remem 
ber that evil days are better than good days, for when we suffer much 
we do not sin; sin will be driven otit of us by s^lffering, and God can 
not extend his mercy to the former; but contrary-wise, when it goeth 
evil with us, God has compassion on us. These words made me 
ashamed. I rose up and traveled as well as I could." Conrad Weisser 
to a Friend, 1746. 

These "words of Shikellimy, reported by Spangenberg to Christian 
David, in a letter from Towamensing, dated November 19, 1737, 
moved several of the young Brethren at Marienborn, among whom 
was Christian H. Ranch, to consecrate themselves to the work of mis 
sions among the North American Indians. 


9 1 

of the mind, and incentives to action, that are opposite in 
their character. Excepting when they look full into the 
wounds of the Lamb, their expression of countenance is 
dark and sombre. The indigestible Indian corn that con 
stitutes their principal diet tends to thicken their blood and 
to stupefy their mental faculties. I would furthermore ob 
serve that writers who represent the Indians as a more 
highly favored race than the whites, are too hasty in their 
conclusions. Perhaps the representation is made with de 
sign ; at all events it is incorrect. To ascribe their custom 
of going naked, or at least with outer wrappings only, to a 
stoical indifference on their part to comfort, is altogether 
erroneous; it is a necessity imposed on them by beggarly 
poverty. The only point of difference between the Gipsy 
and the Indian lies in the fact, that the latter refrains from 
stealing from motives of fear rather than from motives of 
honesty; this I think is demonstrated by the eagerness with 
which he accepts shirts, horse-cloths, and whatever else may 
serve to protect his person. The Indians are averse to wear 
ing breeches, or garments that interfere with the free use 
of their limbs. They also dispense with caps. The conse 
quent exposure of the lower limbs and of the head induces 
disease, subjects them to fevers and to chronic headaches, 
afflicts them with boils, and weakens their constitutions 
generally. Although they are aware of this, they refuse to 
change their mode of dress, and live up to the truth of the 
adage, "video meliora" etc., just as we do. 

Persons born in America do not, usually, live as long 
as the natives of other countries. A woman of forty here 
is old. The Indians are disposed to overestimate their 
age, and it is not an uncommon thing to learn from one or 
another that he is a hundred years old, while his neighbors 
assert positively that he is not much above fifty. Yet there 
are such as attain a high age, but their condition is truly 


deplorable; witness Captain John s father,* who was left to 
starve to death. 

The Iroquois have peculiar institutions and customs. "A 
tiger at home, a hare abroad" and "A lion abroad, a lamb 
at home" are some of their maxims. Their mode of life 
is directly opposed to the spirit of Christianity, as they 
spend all their time in the chase or in war. The great 
distancef to which they carry the latter is an evidence that 
deep-seated revenge, and not self-defence, impels them to 
engage in it. Onondaga is the seat of their Parliament, or 
Council of Sachems or old men. They have no kings, in 
our acceptation of the term; but they are governed by 
Sachems, Judges, or old men. The word king conveys to 
their minds an erroneous idea of a king s authority and 
power, as they invariably associate with it the idea of a 
usurper, such as occasionally wields their Parliament at his 
pleasure, in virtue of his prowess, which no one is willing 
to contest. . And yet, when speaking of the King of Eng 
land, at treaties and conferences, they always style him 
Sachem; whence, I infer, that the two terms are probably 
synonymous in their minds. The Delawares have a hered 
itary monarch who is called King by the English, and the 
Shawanese style their chief King; but whether the latter is 
hereditary, I am unable to say. The Delawares are subjects, 
the Shawanese confederates, of the Six Nations. The form 
of government among the latter resembles that of the Romans 
during the time of the Consulate. In war, however, they 
differ from that people, in not converting conquered terri 
tory into provinces. 

* Old Captain Harris of Pocopoco. 

j- " The 5 Indian Nations are the most warlike people in America 
@ are a bulwark between us @ the French @ all other Indians. 
They goe as far as the South Sea, the North West passage @ Florida to 
warr" Gov. Dongarfs Report to the Committee on Trade of the Pro 
vince of New York, Feb. 1687. 


The Indians are proverbially revengeful, and, like the 
Israelites, transmit resentment to succeeding generations. 
Such is their repugnance to labor, that rather than engage 
in it they cheerfully undergo severe privation. An Indian 
that is given to work, you may rely upon it, is either a child 
of God, or else one that has been infected with the spirit 
of avarice, the root of all evil, by contact with the whites. 
It prompts him, however, merely to provide a sufficiency of 
clothing and of rum; the acquisition of wealth he never 
entertains. Our Mohicans at Shecomeco go decently clad, 
are cleanly in their habits and in their huts, and have for 
bidden rum to be brought to their village. 

His continued indisposition had compelled us to leave 
Joshua at Shamokin, in care of Mack and his wife. The 
Lord so ordered. 

" \Ver weisz was sie da saen, 
Dasz Er zu seiner Zeit kann gehen mah n !" 

On Saturday, the 2%th, we wished to pray the Litany, but 
the merry-making of the Indians disconcerted us. I ac 
cordingly dispatched Conrad to Sachem Shikellimy to in 
form him that we were about to speak to our God. This 
had the desired effect, and immediately on the former s 
return, the beating of drums ceased, and the voices of the 
Indians were hushed. Obedience among this people is 
yielded only when it is positively demanded, as they are 
without laws to enforce it. The Indian s national history 
is inscribed on his memory, and I am inclined to believe 
nevertheless that it is almost as reliable as our own. 

Sept. 30. Set out on our journey. The Sachem pointed 
out the ford over the Susquehanna. This river is here 
much broader than the Delaware, the water beautifully 
transparent, and were it not for smooth rocks in its bed, it 
would be easily fordable. In crossing, we had therefore 


to pull up our horses, and keep a tight rein. The high 
banks of American rivers render their passage on horseback 
extremely difficult. 

To the left of the path, after crossing the river, a large 
cave in a rocky hill in the wilderness was shown us. From 
it the surrounding country and the West Branch of the 
Susquehanna are called Otzinachson? i.e. the "Demon s 
Den;" for here the evil spirits, say the Indians, have their 
seats and hold their revels. 

We had ridden past scarcely two miles, when the pack- 
horse which carried our provisions suddenly grew restive, 
made a spring, broke the rope by which he was attached to 
Henry Leimbach s animal, and galloped headlong in the 
direction of the cave. This did not disconcert us otherwise 
than to bring us to a halt. Conrad dismounted, went in 
search of the horse, and found him a mile back, caught in 
the bushes by the rope. 

The country through which we were now riding, although 
a wilderness, showed indications of extreme fertility. As 
soon as we left the path we trod on swampy ground, over 
which traveling on horseback was altogether impracticable. 
We halted half an hour while Conrad rode along the river 
bank in search of a ford. The foliage of the forest at this 
season of the year, blending all conceivable shades of green, 
red, and yellow, was truly gorgeous, and lent a richness to 
the landscape that would have charmed an artist. At times 
we wound through a continuous growth of diminutive oaks, 
reaching no higher than our horses girths, in a perfect sea 
of scarlet, purple, and gold, bounded along the horizon by 
the gigantic evergreens of the forest. 

During the journey thus far I have not seen any snakes, 
although the banks of the Susquehanna are said to be the 
resort of a species which lies on the tops of the low bushes 

Written variously, Chenasky, Zinachson, Quinachson, Oxenaxa. 


in wait to spring upon the passing traveler. The country 
generally abounds in reptiles, bears, and other wild 

We camped out twice on the journey. During the 
second night there was a sudden and heavy fall of rain, 
and all our horses excepting one strayed away. As we 
were not far from Otstonwakin, Conrad rode to the village. 
He soon returned in company with Andrew,* Madame 
Mon tour s oldest son. Just then our horses came in. 

Andrew s cast of countenance is decidedly European, 
and had not his face been encircled with a broad band of 

* Andrew Montour, alias Sattelihu, was for a number of years in 
the employ of the Proprietaries as assistant interpreter in their nego 
tiations with the Indians of the interior. He usually accompanied 
Weisser on his missions to their country, and when negotiating with 
Delawares, interpreted for the former, who was ignorant of the Dela 
ware. As both spoke Mohawk, they were prepared to confer with all 
the Indian tribes with which the English had. dealings. At the time 
of the Count s visit Andrew was residing on an island in the Susque- 
hanna above Shamokin. Hence he accompanied Spangenberg to 
Onondaga in June of 1745. In 1748 he entered the service of the 
Province, and soon after requested permission to settle near the whites. 
" Andrew has pitched upon a place in the Proprietary s manor, at 
Canataqueany, and expects government to build him a house there, 
and furnish his family with necessaries. He seems to be very hard to 
please." (Weisser to Richard Peters.} In April of 1752, Governor 
Hamilton furnished him with a commission under the Lesser Seal, " to 
go and reside in Cumberland County, over the Blue Hills, on unpur- 
chased lands, to prevent others from settling there or from trading with 
the Indians." In 1755 he was still residing on his grant, ten miles 
northwest of Carlisle, between the Conedogwinet and the mountain, 
and was Captain of a company of Indians in the English service. Rose 
to be a Major. Andrew acted as interpreter for the governor of Virginia 
at several important treaties. The French, in 1753, set a price of ,100 
upon his head. In May of 1761 he was his Majesty s Interpreter to the 
United Nations. He is said to have led the party of warriors who, in 
1780, surprised and took captive the Gilbert family, near Lehighton. 


paint, applied with bear s fat, I would certainly have taken 
him for one. He wore a brown broadcloth coat, a scarlet 
damasken lappel-waistcoat, breeches, over which his shirt 
hung, a black Cordovan neckerchief, decked with silver 
bugles, shoes and stockings, and a hat. His ears were 
hung with pendants of brass and other wires plaited to 
gether like the handle of a basket. He was very cordial, 
but on addressing him in French, he, to my surprise, re 
plied in English. 

When a short distance from the village, Andrew left us 
and rode ahead to notify the inhabitants of our approach. 
As soon as they saw us, they discharged their firearms by 
way of salute, and repeated this mode of welcome on our 
arriving at the huts. Here we dismounted and repaired 
to Madame Montour s* quarters. Her husband, who had 

* Madame Montour, one of the characters in the history of English 
intercourse with the various tribes of Indians, settled along the Sus- 
quehanna or moving over that great thoroughfare of Indian travel, was 
a French Canadian. In early life she married Roland Montour, a 
Seneca brave, and on his death, Carandowana, alias Robert Hunter, 
chief of the Oneidas, with whom she was living on the Chenasky, 
probably at Otstonwakin, as early as 1727. In that year she acted as 
interpreter to the Province at a Conference held in Philadelphia, be 
tween Governor Gordon and Sachems of the Five Nations. Again in 
October of 1728. "It was afterwards considered by the Board what 
present might be proper to be made to Mistress Montour and her hus 
band, Carandowana; and it was agreed that Five Pounds in Bills of 
Credit, should be given to Mistress Montour and her husband." 
Minutes of Provincial Council, October 1 1, 1728. 

In September of 1734, while attending a treaty in that city, the Pro 
prietaries, John and Thomas Penn, condoled with her publicly at the 
loss of her husband, who had been killed since their last meeting in war 
with the Catawabas. " We had a great esteem," they said to the In 
dians present, " for our good friend your chief, Carandowana, and were 
much grieved to hear of his death, but as you and we have long since 
covered his dead body, we shall say nothing more of that subject." At 



been a chief, had been killed in battle with the Catawbas. 
When the old woman saw us she wept. In course of con 
versation, while giving her a general account of the Brethren 
and their circumstances, I mentioned that one of our towns 
was named Bethlehem. Hereupon she interrupted me and 
said: "The place in France where Jesus and the holy 
family lived was also named Bethlehem." I was surprised 
at the woman s ignorance, considering she had been born 
and brought up a Christian. At the same time I thought 
I had evidence of the truth of the charge brought against 
the French missionaries, who are said to make it a point to 
teach the Indians that Jesus had been a Frenchman, and 
that the English had been his crucifiers. Without attempt 
ing to rectify her misapprehension, I in a few words stated 
our views, replying to her inquiries with sincerity of pur 
pose, without, however, entering into an explanation, as 
I had purposed remaining retired for a few days. She was 
very confidential to Anna, and told her, among other things, 
that she was weary of Indian life. 

this time Madame Montour was already advanced in years; for a 
Minute of the Council, October 15, 1734, after censuring her for 
duplicity at the late treaty, states that " her old age only protects her 
from being punished for such falsehoods." In June of 1745 she was 
still residing at Otstonwakin, and Spangenberg, on his way to Onon- 
daga, in company with David Zeisberger, made a detour at Shamokin, 
specially to visit the old Indian Queen. Mack and Grube, in the nar 
rative of a journey made among the Indians on the West Branch in 
June of 1753, make no mention of her as there, although Mack pointed 
out to his comrade the spot where the Disciple and his companions 
had pitched their tent. By Roland Montour she had four sons, 
Andrew, Henry, Robert, and Lewis. French Margaret was her niece. 
Even after her marriage with Hunter she retained the name of Mon 

Montoursville, commenced in 1769, at the mouth of the Loyal Sock, 
stands on the site of Otstonwakin or French Town, and perpetuates 
the name of Madame Montour and her half-breed son, Andrew. 


A knowledge of my rank is unquestionably prejudicial to 
our successful labors among both heathens and Christians. 
As soon as people discover who I am they view me from a 
worldly stand-point. My enemies also delight in publish 
ing to the world that I am a nobleman, and hence I en 
deavor as much as possible to conceal or at least not to 
allow the fact to excite remark. 

The Indians erect either a stone or a mound in honor of 
their deceased heroes. This custom is decidedly Israelitish. 

Early in the morning of the $d of October we heard a 
a woman wailing at the grave of her husband. Andrew 
asked the loan of my horse to bring in the bear and deer 
he had shot, as his had strayed into the woods. He cer 
tainly intends to feast us. 

There is a promiscuous Indian population in this village. 

Madame Montour brought two children to me and asked 
me to baptize them, alleging the custom of the Canadian 
Fathers as an excuse for her request. I refused, telling her 
that whenever a Brother settled here we would take the 
matter into consideration, as we were in the habit of bap 
tizing only such persons as we thought we would have fre 
quent opportunity of reminding of the significance of the 
rite. At the same time I spoke to her of that spiritual bap 
tism which the heart, even of the unbaptized, may, without 
any effort or premeditation on his part, experience. She 
left me displeased. 

Now, my dear Brethren, I must dispatch Conrad to 
Shamokin, as the Brethren there and Shikellimy are expect 
ing him. The latter has been assigned us as guide to the 
wild Shawanese. Andrew, who is a proficient in various 
Indian languages, will probably also accompany us. 

Remember Johanan,* Anna, Martin, Jeannette, Joshua, 

* The name given the Count by the Indians. 


and David, who are followers of the Lamb, and your fellow- 
members of His congregation. 

P. S. We will probably resume our journey about the 
9th inst. At times we have observed signs of grace in 
Andrew. Anna has experienced the same in the case of 
Madame Montour s granddaughter.* Andrew has con 
cluded to give his hunting companions the slip, and to 
forego the great annual hunt which the Indians are accus 
tomed to prolong into the month of February, and to 
accompany us to Skehandowana. 

* Quaere Mary Magdalene, alias Peggy, who interpreted at a treaty 
held at Lancaster, in February of 1760 ? In youth she had been bap 
tized by a Catholic priest in Philadelphia. In 1790 she joined the 
Indian congregation at Salem, on the Pequotting. Her last husband 
was a white man named Hands, and on marrying him she was called 
Sally Hands. After his decease she resided among the whites at the 
mouth of the Thames, in Canada, maintained by her son, a merchant 
in Montreal. As late as 1816 she visited the Brethren s Indian settle 
ment at New Fairfield. At that time she was far advanced in years, 
and yet well remembered the Count s sojourn at Otstonwakin in 1742. 
She also spoke of Anton Schmid, Daniel Kliest, and Marx Kieffer, the 
Shamokin blacksmiths. She deceased soon after her visit at New 




(Translated from a German MS. in the Archives at Bethlehem.} 

As I recollect, you accompanied the sainted Disciplef as 
far as Otstonwakin, and then returned to Shamokin. From 

* These Recollections were written at the request of Peter Bohler, 
after Mack had set out for the West Indies in May of 1762 (in which 
year they met for the last time at Bethlehem), and probably after 
Border s return to Europe in 1764. Upward of twenty years had there 
fore elapsed since the occurrence of the events and their recital. 

John Martin Mack, for many years a missionary among the Indians, 
was born April I3th, 1715, at Leysingen, in Wurtemberg. In 1734 
went to Herrnhut. In 1735 came to Georgia, and there entered into 
full communion with the Brethren. Left for Pennsylvania in April of 
1740, assisted at the building of the Whitefield school, and was one of 
the founders of Bethlehem. In March of 1742 was appointed Ranch s 
assistant at Shecomeco. September I4th, married Jeannette, daughter 
of John Ran, of " The Oblong." While among the Indians at Pach- 
gatgoch in 1743, Mack and the Brethren Pyrlaeus and Shaw were 

f Zinzendorf deceased at Berthelsdorf, near Herrnhut, May 9, 1760. 
He was called "the Disciple 1 as early as 1747, and although he bore 
other titles significant of offices he had filled in the church, this appel 
lation was the favorite one associated with his name and memory after 
he had passed away. 


here my sainted Jeannette and myself, with Shikellimy as 
guide, and a grandchild of his, set out for Otstonwakin on 
the next day, arriving there late at night.* 

taken in arrest to Old Milford, Connecticut, examined before a magis 
trate, and forbidden to preach the gospel within the precincts of the 
Established Church. Hence returned to Shecomeco, and was there 
until the close of 1744, and the abandonment of the mission, in conse 
quence of acts passed against the Moravians by the Assembly of New 

In 1745 was appointed " Heiden Aeltester." Visited the Indians at 
Shamokin. In April, 1746, he commenced the settlement at Gnaden- 
hiitten, on the Mahoning, the field of his labors, until the autumn of 
1755. During this interval he visited the Indian villages on the West 
Branch of the Susquehanna annually, and in 1752 accompanied David 
Zeisberger to Onondaga. His wife deceased at Gnadenhiitten, Decem 
ber 15, 1749. Her knowledge of the Mohawk (the current medium of 
communication between many of the members of the Algonquin family 
of Indians), which she had acquired in the home of her girlhood, and 
of the Delaware, rendered her an efficient assistant in the mission. 

In 1753 Mack married Anna Rebstock. In the autumn of 1757 he 
commenced Nain, near Bethlehem, for the relief of the Christian In 
dians sojourning there. " Here," he states in his autobiography, "I 
made my most trying experiences as a missionary, enduring not only 
temporal privations, but harassed also by constant anxiety for the 
spiritual welfare of my charge. I commenced the work with mis 
givings, as the project of settling the Indians so far down in the Province 
was viewed with displeasure by whites and savages." Having again 
labored at Pachgatgoch, Mack, in 1761, was assigned the superintend 
ence of the missions in the Danish West Indies. Thither he went in 
the following year. While on a visit to Bethlehem in 1770, he was 
consecrated a Bishop. Deceased on Santa Cruz, January 9, 1784. 

A portrait of Martin Mack is in the Archives at Bethlehem. His 
daughter, Theodora, born December 28, 1758, deceased at Bethlehem 
February 16, 1851. 

* Zinzendorf and his traveling companions, Bohler, Mack, and wife, 
Anna Nitschmann, Leimbach, Weisser, and David and Joshua, had 
reached Shamokin in the evening of September 28. On the 3Oth they 
set out out for Otstonwakin, leaving Mack and his wife at the former 


The Disciple and Anna were rejoiced to see us. We re 
mained there several days, and on two occasions held meet 
ings, which were attended by Andrew Montour and his 
grandmother (?), and some of the Indians. The services 
were conducted in French, which language the former 

Leaving Otstonwakin,* our way lay through the forest, 
over rocks and frightful mountains, and across streams 
swollen by the recent heavy rains. This was a fatiguing 
and dangerous journey, and on several occasions we im 
periled our lives in fording the creeks, which ran with im 
petuous current. On the fifth day, at last, we reached 
Wyoming, and pitched our tent not far from the Shawanese 
town. The Disciple s reception by the savages was un 
friendly, although from the first their visits were frequent. 
Painted with red and black, each with a large knife in his 
hand, they came in crowds about the tent, again and again. 
He lost no time, therefore, in informing the Shawanese 
chief, f through Andrew Montour, of the object of his 

town in charge of Joshua. Bohler, Leimbach, Weisser, and David 
returned to Shamokin October 4, en route for their homes, and next 
day, Mack and wife, escorted by Shikellimy, set out to join the Count. 
Provincial business called Weisser to Tulpehocken; on leaving the 
latter, however, he promised to rejoin him at Wyoming within a speci 
fied time. Bohler and the Mohicans reached Bethlehem October n. 

* The travelers probably followed the " Warrior s Path from the 
Great Island" (Lock Haven), which skirted the northern bank of the 
West Branch as far as Otstonwakin, some forty miles, and thence led 
due east through the present counties of Lycoming, Sullivan, Columbia, 
and Luzerne, about seventy miles to the Shawanese village (Plymouth), 
on the Wyoming Flats, west of the Susquehanna. Through the fast 
nesses of this primeval forest, never before traversed by white men save 
adventurous traders like James Le Tort and Pierre Bizaillon, Andrew 
Montour guided these first Evangelists to the heathen dwellers on the 
plains of Skehandowana. 

f Qusere Weh- Wehlaky, one of the Sachems whom the Count had 
met at Weisser s ? 


mission. This the wily savage affected to regard as a mys 
tery, and replied that such matters concerned the white 
man, and not the Indian. 

Our stock of provisions was by this time almost exhausted, 
and yet the Disciple shared with the Indians what little 
was left. The very clothes on his own back were not spared. 
One shirt-button after another was given away, until all 
were gone, and likewise his shoe-buckles, so that we were 
obliged to fasten his under-clothes and tie his shoes with 
strings made of bast. For ten days we lived on boiled 
beans, of which we partook sparingly three times a day, as 
the supply was scanty. 

The suspicious manner which the Shawanese* manifested 

* The Shawanese were a tribe of Southern Indians, who, prior to 
1 700, had been expelled from their seats by the Spaniards of Flori-da, and 
migrated northward. In 1698 sixty families of them, the first to come 
into the Province, settled at Conestoga with the knowledge of Col. 
Markham and with the consent of the Conestogas, the former holding 
the latter responsible for the good behavior of their Southern brethren. 
Hence they moved up the river, and built a town at Pextang. Others 
followed and seated themselves on the Delaware near Durham, or 
pursuing the course of that river into its upper valley, planted in the 
Minnisinks. In April of 1701 William Penn "ratified relations of 
friendship with the King of the Conestogas and with the King of the 
Shawanese inhabiting at the head of Potomac" The Proprietaries 
agents always sought to propitiate the good- will of these strangers. In 
1728 some of the tribe, fearing the resentment of the Six Nations for 
an injury done by them to the Conestogas, removed to the Ohio, and 
put themselves under the protection of the French. Hereupon gov 
ernment called upon the Six Nations to aid in their recall, and in their 
recovery to the English interest. This attempt was only partially suc 
cessful ; and although conferences were held with them at various times 
between 1732 and 1739, and Thomas Penn in September of the first 
year offered them ample seats near Pextang, west of the Susquehanna, 
they hesitated to return to their allegiance, and even sought to entice 
the Delawares to follow them to the French. It was Allummapees 


at our first arrival remained unchanged, and at times their 
deportment was such as to lead us to infer that it would 
be their greatest delight to make way with us. Notwith 
standing this the Disciple remained in the town, and made 
repeated efforts to have the object of his visit brought be 
fore the consideration of the chiefs. They, however, evaded 
every approach, and in their disappointment at not receiv 
ing large presents gave unmistakable evidence of displeas 
ure, so that we felt that the sooner we left the better it 
would be for us. 

One day Jeannette, on returning to the town from visit 
ing the Indians, informed the Disciple that she had met 
with a Mohican woman in the upper town, who, to her un 
speakable joy, had spoken to her of the Saviour. This 
intelligence deeply affected him. He rose up and bade 
us go with him in search of her, and in the interview that 
followed he magnified the love of Jesus to her in terms of 
most persuasive tenderness. This woman now became our 
provider, furnishing us with beans and corn-bread, until 
we could procure other supplies. Hymns Nos. 1853 and 
1854 in Supplement XI. of the Hymn-book, contain allu 
sions to her ; and the Disciple s prayer in her behalf, ex- 

who prevented the defection of his countrymen at that time. In July 
of 1739 the same Penn treated with deputies of "the Shawanese scat 
tered far abroad from the Great Island* to the Allegheny" and a cove 
nant was formally ratified with them, the conditions of which it was 
hoped would bind them firmly and lastingly to the interests of the Eng 
lish and the Province of Pennsylvania. But this was not the case ; 
for, with few exceptions, these swarthy rovers harbored distrust of the 
English, and became their implacable enemies. Weisser found Shaw 
anese in Wyoming in the spring of 1737. Hither it is said they were 
invited at some earlier day by the Six Nations, who were confident 
that they could place no custodians more reliable than the ferocious 
Shawanese in charge of that lovely valley among the hills, which they 
designed to keep for themselves and their children forever. 


pressed in the i8th stanza of the former, has been heard and 
answered.* On another occasion, on informing him that 
I had seen Chikasi,-\ he asked me to find him and bring him 
into his presence. To him also he extolled the Saviour s love. 

One day, having convened the Indians in the upper town, 
he laid before them his object in coming to Wyoming, and 
expressed the desire to send people among them that would 
tell them words spoken by their Creator. Most of these 
were Mohicans, and not as obdurately perverse as the Shaw- 
anese. Although they signified no decided opposition, 
they stated their inability to entertain any proposals with 
out the consent of the latter, according to whose decision 
they were compelled to shape their own. Should these as 
sent, they said they would not object, but be satisfied. My 
Jeannette acted as interpreter of what passed during this 

In reference to the removal of our tent to another local 
ity, to which there is allusion in the words of the hymn, 
" Der dritte ein verborgner Schatz, wo Blaseschlangen 
nisteln" I have the following in mind to relate. The 
tent was pitched on an eminence. One fine sunny day, as 
the Disciple sat on the ground within, looking over his 

* At her urgent request she was baptized by the missionary Bern- 
hard A. Grube, July 28, 1754, while he was on a visit to the Indians 
at Wyoming, receiving the Christian name of Mary. The rite was 
administered in the Shawanese Chief Paxanosa s wigwam, and was 
the first baptism performed by the Brethren in Wyoming Valley. 

f A Catawba, who had been brought prisoner to Wyoming by the 
Iroquois on their return from an annual maraud. In August of 1749, 
Chikasi visited Bethlehem on his way with other Indians from Wyo 
ming to Philadelphia. Mack and Grube met him in September of 
1753 in a small village of Shawanese on the Susquehanna, below the 
Occohpocheny (Monsey Creek). These Shawanese had lately left W 7 yo- 



papers that lay scattered around him, and as the rest of us 
were outside, I observed two blowers* basking at the edge 
of the tent. Fearing that they might crawl in I moved to 
ward them, intending to dispatch them. They were, how 
ever, too quick for me, slipped into the tent, and gliding 
over the Disciple s thigh, disappeared among his papers. 
On examination we ascertained that he had been seated 
near the mouth of their den. Subsequently the Indians 
informed me that our tent was pitched on the site of an old 
burying-ground in which hundreds of Indians lay buried. 
They also told us that there was a deposit of silver ore in 
the hill, and that we were charged by the Shawanese with 
having come for silver and for nothing else. This statement 
proved to be a fiction invented by the wily savages in order 
to afford them some grounds for an altercation with us, and 
to bring us into general disrepute; for we subsequently 
learned that the height on which our tent had been pitched 
was not the locality of the precious ore.f 

From our first encampment (see Hymn 1853, stanza 2) 
I once rode out with the Disciple and Anna. There was 
a creek in our way, in a swampy piece of ground. Anna 
and myself led in crossing, and with difficulty succeeded 
in ascending the farther bank, which was steep and muddy. 
But the Disciple was less fortunate, for in attempting to 
land, his horse plunged, broke the girth, and his rider 

* Blower, or swelling adder, a small, hissing snake, said to be ven 
omous. The Bethlehem Diarist states that in the harvest of 1744 the 
harvesters were much annoyed by blowers, Blaseschlangen, which they 
would take in their hands with the rakings in binding sheaves. The 
blower is a small, ash-gray snake. When provoked, its neck swells to 
several inches in extent. 

f It is believed that the Iroquois invented this figment so as to have 
a pretext for harboring the Shawanese, and in the hope of deterring 
intruders by involving Wyoming in a mystery. 



rolled off backwards into the water, and the saddle upon 
him. It required much effort on my part to extricate him, 
and when I at last had succeeded, he kissed me and said, 
" Du armer Bruder ! Ich plage dich dock was rechtes !" 
{My poor Brother! I am an endless source of trouble /) Being 
without change, we were necessitated to dry our clothes at 
the fire and then brush off the mud. Adventures of this 
kind befell us more than once. 

At length the Brethren, David Nitschmann, Anton 
Seyffert, and Jacob Kohn,* whom we had long been ex 
pecting, arrived. 

On the following day we moved higher up the Susque- 
hanna, and here was the extreme limit of our journey. 
The words of the hymn, " Der vierf ein unwegsame Spitz, 
Der Susquehannah Quellen" allude to this encampment. 
The Disciple, I have no doubt, was led to go to this point, 
in order to have an opportunity of reading his letters from 
Europe undisturbed, and to be farther away from the In 
dians. Here Conrad Weisser joined us on his return. He 
manifested decided impatience at our prolonged stay, told 
us that the Shawanese were plotting mischief, and that our 
lives were not secure. We now returned to our second 
encampment, where the Disciple formally laid his proposi- 

* These Brethren had set out from Bethlehem on the I5th of October. 
From Shamokin they probably followed the Indian path to Wyoming, 
which kept along the upper bank of the Northeast Branch, to the Shawa 
nese town. Kohn had recently arrived from Europe, and had brought 
letters for the Count. 

" Ich habe Dero Schreiben in der Wiisten Skehandowana in Canada, 
unter einem barbarischen Volcke aus Florida die Shavanos genannt, 
welchen von den Spaniern in diese Gegend vertrieben sind und 
worunter ich Herzen suchte die einen Heiland brauchen, wohl emp- 
fangen." Zinzendorf to Court- Chaplain Bartholomai, Oley, Nov, 7, 
1742. Bildingische Sammhtng, Part xiii. No. 36, b. 


tions before the Shawanese chief. The latter, however, 
turned a deaf ear to our approaches, and grew vehement. 
" Der Konig liebete uns zwar ; A Heine kam s zur Sache, 
Wo uns zum Trost so bange war, So that er wie der Drache. 
Upon this the Disciple produced the string of wampum that 
the Sachems of the Six Nations had given him at Tulpe- 
hocken, but even its authoritative presence failed to move the 
savages in their determination or to mollify their murderous 
intentions. We were completely foiled, and saw that our mis 
sion was a failure. This might have been owing to misstate- 
ments made by our interpreter* to the Shawanese, who, as 
we subsequently learned, had not been fully in our interests. 

From this time we had no rest. By day and by night 
the vagabond savages swarmed around our tent. The Dis 
ciple warned us continually to be on our guard, and for 
bade us even to accept supplies from them, as they were to 
be trusted under no circumstances. 

We now made preparations for our return home, and 
divided into two companies. Jeannette, David Nitsch- 
mann, Andrew, and myself, set out for Bethlehem by way 
of the Great Swampf and Dansbury.J The Disciple and 
the others took the path to Shamokin. 

* Quaere Andrew Montour ? 

f The Pine Swamp, or Shades of Death, extending northward on the 
plateau of the Broad Mountain, in Monroe and Carbon Counties 
called the Great Swamp on Scull s map of 1770. 

This division reached Bethlehem on the ist of November. Montour 
remained there until the I3th. 

J Dansbury (Stroudsburg), a settlement commenced in Smithfield by 
Daniel Brodhead about 1735, near the junction of Anolomink and 

\ The Count and his companions, after a tedious journey, in which 
they suffered from the hardships and privations incident to travel on 


While thus in daily danger of his life on the Shawnee 
Flats of Wyoming Valley, Zinzendorf was engaged in the 

McMichael s Creeks, Monroe County. Mr. Brodhead was born at 
Marbletown, Ulster County, New York, in 1693, and was a grandson 
of Daniel Brodhead, a captain of grenadiers, who had come to New 
York with Colonel Richard Nicolls in 1664. He became acquainted 
with the Brethren soon after their settlement in the Forks of Dela 
ware, on his way to his relative, Isaac Ysselstein. At his house 
they often lodged as they traveled to or returned from their mission 
stations in New York and Connecticut, and at Dansbury they preached 
between 1743 and 1749. In June of 1755, Mr. Brodhead came to 
Bethlehem for surgical treatment at the hands of Dr. Jno. M. Otto. 
He lodged with James Burnside, and deceased in his house in July of 
that year. His remains were interred at Bethlehem. 

horseback and exposure in the cold rains and bleak winds of ap 
proaching winter, reached Oley on the 7th, and Bethlehem on the 8th 
of November. 

With this memorable journey Zinzendorf s endeavors, by personal 
visitation and appeal, to further the interests of the Brethren s mission 
among the Indians, ceased. Although he had failed to interest the 
Shawanese in the reception of Christianity, he had by this hazardous 
exploration opened a way for his Brethren into the heart of the Indian 
country ; and from this time they carried the gospel to the mixed popu 
lation of Indians scattered along both branches of the Susquehanna, 
at Shamokin, Otstomvakin, Quenischachschaky (Linden), Long Island 
(Jersey Shore), Great Island, Nescopec, Wyoming, and Diahoga. 
Among the Shawanese they never effected much. The first convert 
was Schitemoque, who in baptism received the name of Anna Charity. 
Elizabeth, the wife of the old chief Paxanosa, was baptized at Beth 
lehem in February of 1755. Twice in the interval between Zinzen 
dorf s visit to Wyoming and the autumn of 1755 the Shawanese from 
there addressed themselves to the Brethren at Bethlehem. In July of 

1752 they came apparently with a desire to establish relations of friend 
ship, and expressed a readiness to receive the gospel. In March of 

1753 they came in the interests of the Six Nations to ask permission of 
the Brethren for the Christian Indians residing at Gnadenhiitten to 
remove to Wyoming. On his visit to Europe, in the summer of that 


preparation of Supplements XI. and XII. to the Collec 
tion of Hymns at that time in use among the Brethren. 

year, Spangenberg reported these overtures to the Count, whose dis 
trust of the perfidious savages among whom his life had been in jeopardy 
almost overcame the broad spirit of good-will and peace to all men 
that shone so resplendently from out the great heart of the beloved 
Disciple. Spangenberg has recorded the following memoranda : 


"Chelsea, June 16, 1753. The Disciple is displeased with our late 
dealings with the Shawanese. He stated that the Lord had intimated 
to him to let them alone, and added that it was disrespectful toward 
him, the representative of the Brethren, and distrustful of both, for the 
Six Nations to send a message by proxy ; that the circumstance was 
suspicious, and might lead to complications with government; and 
finally, that the Shawanese were a perfidious race and desired no knowl 
edge of God and the Saviour." 


"Chelsea, June 29, 1753. The Disciple told me last evening, to my 
great joy, that on examining his notes and memoranda (which he is in 
the habit of consulting after the manner of the old prophets, who, ac 
cording to Peter, search what, or what manner of time the Spirit of 
Christ which is in them did signify ), he had ascertained how we were 
to act with regard to the Shawanese. As to those of the tribe who 
were residing at Skehandowana at the time of his sojourn there, he 
stated that the Saviour had told him it would be useless for us to attempt 
to effect anything with them, as they were treacherous and cruel and 
totally averse to the reception of Christianity. As to the rest of the 
tribe, he stated that from an intimation the Saviour had given him at 
the time of his stay in Wyoming, he was inclined to believe that they 
would become an admirable people on their conversion, and that our 
efforts in their behalf would not be in vain. Furthermore, he observed, 
that the promise the Saviour had made him to effect the removal of the 
Shawanese, among whom his life had been in danger, was going into 
fulfilment ; that the lot he had cast and which had warned him of the 
Shawanese did not apply to that part of the tribe with which we had 
lately been negotiating; and finally, that the Saviour had also made 
this decision." 


They are prefaced with a few words addressed to the Con 
gregations, beginning thus: " Ich bin hier in der Wilsten, 
und lauer auf Wilde wie sie auf die wilden Thiere" and 
subscribed, " Aus dem Zelte vor Wayomik, in der grossen 
Ebene Skehandowana, in Canada, am 15. Oct. 1742. 

Euer unwurdiger 


From this collection the following hymns are taken. 
Both were written by the Count to commemorate his ex 
perience among the Indians, and the first is alluded to by 
Martin Mack in his Recollections. 


Wir dachten an die Hirtentreu 

Des Jesuah Jehovah, 
In der betriibten Wiisteney 

Mit Namen Skehandowa. 

Des Zeltes erster Ruheplatz 
Das waren Dorn und Disteln, 

Der dritte ein verborg ner Schatz, 
Wo Blaseschlangen nisteln. 

Der viert ein unwegsame Spitz 

Der Susquehanna Quellen, 
Der and re und der fiinfte Sitz, 

Das waren gleiche Stellen. 

Da sassen wir das erste Mai 

Acht Tage, zu erfahren 
Was unser s Lammes Hochzeitsaal 

Zum Theil mag offenbaren. 


Em unaussprechlich edles Gliick 
Fiir uns re eigne Seelen 

Allein, in einem andern Stiick, 
Ein unbeschreiblich Qualen. 

Das Gliicke war an dieser Stell 
Sein Herze tief zu finden, 

Zum Theil die Krafte von der H611 
Dtirchs Lammes Blut zu binden. 

Allein der Schmerz, der Seelenschmerz, 
Den wir in diesen Landen 

Um so manch, Indianer Herz 
Im innern ausgestanden, 

Die blut ge Thranenmasz ge Noth, 
Die uns das Herz gebrochen 

Bei ihren unerkannten Tod, 

Wird schwerlich ausgesprochen. 

Ein Volk, im Irokaner Rath 
Zum Untergang bestimmet, 

Dieweil doch nichts als Uebelthat 
Im wilden Herzen glimmet ; 

Das war daneben Tag vor Tag 

Um uns herum vagiren, 
So dasz man kiihnlich sagen mag, 

Wir war n bey wilden Thieren. 

Und was der Herr in seinem Wort 
Von uns rer Leute stillen 

In Waldern schlafen sagte dort, 
Das wust er zu erfullen. 


Allein das morderische Herz 

Der wilden Schawanosen, 
Verdrosz so wohl der Zeugenschmerz, 

Als all ihr Liebekosen. 

Der Konig liebete uns zwar ; 

Alleine kam s zur Sache, 
Wo uns um Trost so bange war, 

So that er wie der Drache. 

Doch kam ein Paar urns gute Herz 

In eine rechte Klemme, 
Sie fiihlten einen wahren Schmerz 

Nach einer Seelenschwemme. 

Die erste Briider, die einmal 
An diese Gegend streiffen, 

Die solten sie zur Gnadenwahl 
In s Blut des Lammes tauffen. 

Die Gnade, die uns hie und da 

So Seelen zugewiesen, 
Wie sie Philipp und Simon sah, 

Sey gleichwohl hoch gepriesen. 

Doch lindert uns kein Hurons Herz, 
Die Kirch voll Mahikaner, 

Noch einzler Chikasi den Schmerz 
Um diese Floridaner. 

Und bis der erste Schawanos 

Sich glaubt zu n ew gen Hiigeln ; 

So wollen wir das Gnadenloosz 
Von diesem Gang versiegeln ; 


Und alle Spur vom Zeugengliick 

So wohl in Otstonwaktn, 
Als in der Flache Wayomik 

Und endlich in Shomakin. 

Kein ewig s Zahr und Thranelein, 

O Vater ! soil inzwischen 
Aus deinem Thranenpuschelein, 

Wo Du s gezahlt, entwischen. 

Gedenke nicht an unsern Schweisz, 

Gedenk an Jesu Narben, 
Der diesen Lohn fur seinen Fleisz 

Nicht lange mehr kann darben. 

Supplement XI. No. 1853. 


Dort in der Flache Wajomik 
Auf einem wiisten Ackerstiick, 
Da Blaseschlangen nisteten 
Und ihre Balge briisteten, 

Auf einem Silbererznen Grund, 
Wo s Leibes Leben miszlich stund, 
Da dachten wir ; Wir sahen gern, 
Das wiirde eine Stadt des Herrn. 

Daruber wurden eins, zwey, drey, 
Und denken itzt noch einerley, 
Und kriegen ihr noch mehr dazu ; 
Nun fehlt nichts mehr, als das ER S thu . 

Supplement XII. No. 1902. 




Communicated at a general Meeting of " the Society* for the Further 
ance of the Gospel," assembled at the Brethren s Chapel in Fetter 
Lane, London, March 7, 1743-f 

(A MS. in the Archives at Bethlehem.} 

IT is not necessary, my Brethren, to relate the matters 
which happened among the Christians ; for we have Docu 
ments enough, and those publickly printed, to illustrate 
them. But what relates to the Heathen cannot be brought 
under any Heads of Documenta, seeing they are unable to 
make any. Therefore that is, according to my Judgment, 
the only Matter which remains to be related. 

Tis also my Intention to be as brief as I can in relating 
what has been my Plan in the whole Affair of the Heathen, 
and how far Matters w r ere carried on during my being there, 

* This association, composed of Brethren and of friends of their mis 
sions, was organized by Spangenberg in London, May 8, 1741. Dr. 
Doddridge, Rev. Benjamin Ingham, and John Bray were members. 
Ben ham s Life of Hutton. 

f Zinzendorf sailed from New York, January 20, and reached Dover 
Feb. 28, 1743. Hence he repaired to Yorkshire, and next to London. 
During his stay there, between March 1 1 and 24, he preached to and 
held meetings for the Congregation in their Chapel in Fetter Lane, 
James Hutton acting as his Interpreter. Ibid. 

See Budingische Sammhing, Part xri. No. 53, for a discourse he de 
livered before the Society, March 24, 1743. 


since it is what we believe in general, that the Time of the 
Heathen is not yet come. For it is believed in our Church 
that the Conversion of the Jews, and of all Israel must needs 
go before, ere the proper Conversion of the Heathen can 
go forward. And we look upon all what has been done 
hitherto, even by ourselves, among the Heathen, as first 
Fruits only ; so that one must likewise go about the Conver 
sion of the Heathen with great Care and Circumspection. 

Therefore we directly oppose the Conversion of the 
Heathen Nations to the Profession of the Christian Reli 
gion ; and likewise the Methods hitherto made Use of in 
the Conversion of both Jews and Heathens. For if Chris 
tian Princes and Divines should go so far as to convert the 
Heathen Nations to their Customs and Ways in our Days, 
they would thereby do the greatest Piece of Service to the 
Devil. Therefore I do not in the least believe that the Devil 
would oppose any one in such an Undertakeing, but wo d 
rather help them as much as he co d. 

And I believe concerning those quick and wonderful 
Conversions of whole Nations, where all Sorts of People, 
good and bad are made Christians, tis much the same 
whether one calls it the Work of the Lord or the Work of 
the Devil. 

This one finds verified to this very Day in those Nations 
which are well known unto us, and which have been called 
Converted these several 100 Years; the Wends, the Lett- 
landers, the Estlanders,* for instance; great Numbers of 
which even to this very Day Worship Images ; that it is 
impossible to evade it by putting the common Gloss upon 
this Matter and saying it is only a Relic of Heathenism. 

The Idea which we have of the Samaritans is much more 
evident, who worshipped the true God and false one at the 

* Letts and Esthonians. 


same Time for this Reason, that the Worshippers of the 
true God might not give them any Disturbance. 

For certainly so long as our Saviour gets no better Foot 
ing in Christendom, we are neither constrain d by Necessity, 
Duty nor Love, nor by any Inclination, to convert whole 
Nations of the Heathen. 

Therefore it is most plain to us that the Conversion of 
the Heathen must be of the same Kind as the Conversion 
among those that are already called Christians. And that 
all the Souls among the Heathen whom we shall admit to 
Baptism, must be awakened to eternal Life by the Lord 
Jesus and his Spirit in like Manner as a Person in Christen 
dom who would be Converted must first be awaken d. And 
therefore have we, in the Conversion of the Heathen, en 
tirely rejected the Method of Teaching them such Matters 
as they can keep in their Head, and learn by Rote, to say 
after one. And a Heathen by our Way of Preaching or 
Instructing in heavenly Things, shall not be able so much 
as to talk when he has not the Matter in his Heart. 

Therefore it is impossible that we can convert the Hea 
then by thousands; yea, tis even a Wonder to ourselves 
when we convert them by twentys or thirtys. And I often 
tremble to this Hour when I see and must believe (and tis 
not possible to do otherwise) that out of a 1000 awakened 
in St. Thomas* within these 6 years, 300 are become United 

* A mission among the slaves on this island was the first in which 
the Renewed Church of the Brethren engaged. In Dec. of 1732, 
Leonhard Dober and David Nitschmarvn. (subsequently a bishop) com 
menced the work on the Danish "Vtest India Company s plantation 
near the town of St. Thomas. Tfie first station was named New Herrn- 
hut. Zinzendorf visited the missionaries in January of 1739. Andrew, 
Gratia, and Oley Carniel, three converts, are introduced in the paint 
ing of the " First Fruits from the Heathen," that Zinzendorf had exe 
cuted about 1750. 


Brethren and Sisters. For the whole Nation together is 
but about 3000. And that the io th Part of a Nation sho d 
be wholly our Saviour s is a Thing never heard of before. 
Undoubtedly ev ry one of us wou d think it a great Matter 
when the io th Part of Great Brittain should consist of true 
Children of God, Brethren of the Lamb. 

And one must also say in general, that the Conversion 
of the Nations, both Negroes and Savages, hath been car 
ried on further than we ourselves believ d it wou d. 

There is a real little Church settled among the savage 
Nations in Greenland* and another among the Hottentots ;f 
concerning wch. Parts of the World Christendom for several 
hundred Years past, have thought it impossible for them 
ever to be converted. Indeed not one Instance co d be 
produced for they have been the only People among the 
Heathen, who have been so honest as to declare, that they 
wo d not believe tho it shou d be told them. 

But one may observe that the Mistake of all the Preach 
ers that have been among these People consists in this, 
that they would convince them that there was a God ; and 
have thereby made the poor Creatures either crafty or 
stupid. Had their teachers but once rightly read the 
Bible they wou d have seen what Paul says in the first of 
the Romans, that there is no Heathen in all the World to 
whom it is not evident that there is a God. For he allows 

* Matthew and Christian Stach, and Christian David, commenced 
to missionate among the Greenlanders on the coast, near the Danish 
trading-pest of Godhaab, in May of 1733. Sanniel Kajarnak, his wife 
and two children were baptized there, March 30, 1739. The first station 
was named New Herrnhut. Kajarnak appears in the " First Fruits." 

f George Schmidt was sent to the Hottentots of the Cape of Good 
Hope in the summer of 1737. Kibbodo, who in baptism received the 
name of Jonas, is one of the eighteen converts in the painting of the 
" First Fruits." 


of no Atheists but what there are in Christendom ; who as 
a particular distinguishing Punishment for not seeking the 
Lord Jesus, are given over to a reprobate Mind. 

The Punishment of the Heathen is that they must needs 
commit Sin ; that of the Christians who wou d not have the 
Lord Jesus is that they become Atheists. And when Christ 
shall also be preached unto the Heathen, and they likewise 
will not receive him, then will Atheists arise among them 
also as well as among us. Thence it is that one finds 
Atheists among all such Heathens where the Christian Mis 
sionaries have labored in vain. Here indeed one finds 
Atheists because here an Occasion is giv n for it. As for 
Instance, when they are told that the Son of God has died 
for them, and that this is a weighty Matter, and they after 
wards observe the Manner of Life these People who told 
them do lead, they presently begin to think it is impossible 
that these men believe this, it must needs be a Contrivance 
or a pretty Fable. 

We have hitherto made it our Business among the heathen 
and indian Nations that our Brethren might not labor in 
vain, first of all to inquire concerning the People, whether 
or no, and by what Means the Preaching is already cor 
rupted, and if they have already receiv d false Christianity; 
and what part of em still adhere to mere Heathenism. 

There is a wonderful mixture of these in Canada, which 
makes the Conversion of these Heathen very difficult. The 
principal Heathens in Canada are allied Nations, who give 
themselves the particular title of (Aquanusmiani) Covenant 
People; the French call them Iroquois, and the English 
the 5 Nations. But there are properly 6 of them, they 
having added the Tuscaroras to their Number. These 
Nations govern the whole District of Canada; the rest 
being either in subjection to them or else continually at 
War with them. 


These Nations are divided into Fathers, or Children, or 
Brethren, or Members of the Covenant, and such as do 
not belong to one of these three Classes they call Cousins, 
which signifies as much as Subjects ; and these former are 
again by them called Uncles. 

The 3 first Nations which are called Fathers, are the 
Maquas, the Onondagoes, the Senekas. The Maquas are 
most part of them Christians so called, having been con 
verted by the English Missionaries ; and have lost all their 
Credit with the others, because they have guzzl d away all 
their Land to the Christians. And w ith this Nation we 
have not hitherto so much as spoken, since we fear nothing 
so much as when such Sort of People do endeavour to be 
long to us. And we have esteemed it a very great Grace 
of our Saviour, that, altho these are as it were the next 
Neighbours of the Heathen to our Congregations,* yet we 
have had no Manner of Fellowship with them. 

The 3 d Nation are the Senekas who have been con 
verted by the French Missionaries some time ago, when 
they had to do with them; and of these I have observ d 
that their Christian Knowledge is nothing more than this, 
that they believe that our dear Saviour was born at Beth 
lehem in France, and that the English have crucified him. 
Upon which Account they are very much offended with 
the English; and one sees them make Crosses and such like 
Ceremonies. This is all I could find among them ; and 
when any of them comes to Philadelphia, they go to the 
Popish Chapelf to Mass. 

The 2 d Nation, and which properly governs the rest is 

* At Shecomeco, and its dependencies, Wechquadnach and Pack- 
gatgoch . 

j- Quaere The chapel on the northeast corner of Walnut and Front 
Streets, mentioned in Watson s Annals ? 


the Nation of the Onondagoes. Those are Philosophers 
and such as among us are called Deists. They are brave 
honest People who keep their word ; and their general 
weakness is that they delight in Heroick Deeds ; and this 
will be the main Difficulty in the way of their Conver 
sion, to make them forget these their heroick Notions ; for 
they have the Principles of the old Romans, that they look 
upon every one as a miserable Creature, scarce worth a 
Thought, who will not submit himself to them. Their 
Government is very equitable and fatherlike, but whoever 
will not stoop to them they are ready to root out that 
Nation from among the Indians. On the other Hand, 
they carry themselves very civil and orderly towards the 
Europeans (as may be seen from the Compacts between 
them) and altho they in general hate the Europeans in 
their Hearts, and call them Assaroni or Assyrians (which 
is the same as Enemies) yet they have a particular Respect 
for several private Persons. Nevertheless tis as much as 
an Indian life is worth, who belongs to their Nation, if he 
is discover d to have a good Reputation among the Euro 
peans. And Alommabi,* the King of the Delawares stabb d 
his presumptive Successor because that in Philadelphia he 
was looked upon as an Oracle. 

The Two other Nations which are stiled Children, are 
the Cajugas and Oneydoes who regulate themselves after 
these Two Nations and also are Philosophers like them ; and 
when at any time they have general Proposals made them 
about Christianity, they give for Answer that they will 
follow the Onondagoes, and what they shall do in that 
Case, these likewise will do the same. 

As concerning this Nation, Things so fell out that one 

* Some time in 1731, Allummapees killed his nephew, Sam Shaka- 
taivlin (who occasionally acted as interpreter at Philadelphia), in a 
drunken brawl at Shamokin. 



of their Kings came to Philadelphia as Ambassadour,* 
going before the grand Embassy of the 5 Nations, which 
came last Year with Commissions to Philadelphia. This 
Prince was recommended to me and lodged 14 Days in my 
Housef with his Wife & Children. At that Time I did 

* Caxhayton, counselor of Canassatego, Sachem of the Onondagas, 
came to Philadelphia in February of 1742 to announce the intention of 
the Six Nations to meet the Governor in conference there in the course of 
the following summer. The "grand embassy" arrived in that city on 
the 3<Dth of June. It consisted of thirteen Onondagas, nineteen Cayugas, 
fourteen Oneidas, three Senecas, twenty-one Tuscaroras, five Shawa- 
nese, eight Conestogas, six Delawares from Shamokin and four from 
the Forks. The principal personage was Canassatego. Eleven other 
chiefs attended. " The Board directs that ^5 be given to Caxhayton 
on acct. of the Province for his services as messenger." Minutes of 
Provincial Cotincil, July 12, I74 2 - 

f A short time before the Count s arrival at New York, Christian 
Frolich, who was then conducting Capt. Wallace s sugar-refinery in 
Philadelphia, had rented a house of three stories on Second Street near 
the northeast corner of Race, for the Count and his household. Here he 
entertained Caxhayton. Governor Thomas wrote to Conrad Weisser, 
under date of February 26, 1742, in reference to the Count s hospi 
tality, " Although I have a very high opinion of Count Zinzendorf s 
integrity and religious zeal, and consequently esteem him much, I was 
not altogether willing that the messenger and his family should be at 
his home, lest his manner of treating them should not prove agreeable 
and they should think we failed in courtesy to save expense, and so 
make a report to our prejudice when they return to their countrymen. 
I should be very well pleased that the Count could make them good 
Christians ; but I would not have the business of the Province depend 
upon his success with them nor run the risk of their being disobliged 
by being put into the hands of agents, who, out of good-will, would 
restrain them from what they think there is no crime in making a 
moderate use of drunkenness, a very bad thing, and I discourage it 
in Indians and others as much as I can, but should they become Chris 
tians if they are no better than Christians in common, they will be as 
drunk as some of them are apt to be at present, be greater thieves, cheats, 
c. than the most of Indians are. The knowledge of God and Christ 


not know of what Benefit this wou d be to me. But being 
on my first journey among the Indians by an Indian River,* 
I met the grand Embassage on their return. I came into 
an House where all the Kings of these Nations were assem 
bled together, f Kackshajim was among them, with his 
Wife and little Child, who all 3 had been in my House at 
Philadelphia. The Child ran to me and fell about my 
Neck in the Presence of all the Indians, which made them 
look one upon another, and enquire among themselves 
how that came about. At the same Time Brother Zander 
came also into the Room. The Indian Prince was very 
glad to see his Zander again, who had been his Provider 
and Messinger thro out Pennsylvania, and immediately ran 
and kissed him ; so that the whole was an astonishing Scene 
to their People. 

Then I spoke to all them present (and there was none 
wanting but the King of the Tuscaroras who was at that 
Time got drunk) and asked them if I might have a Con 
ference with them? They answer d yes, and sat them 
selves down ; and they were presented with a Piece of red 
Cloth as a Token that we had something of Importance to 
relate to them: which they receiv d. Then I spoke thus 

ought to make men better ; but how it happens I cannot tell, yet so it is, 
the common sort of people among Christians are worse than the Indians 
who are left to the law of nature, i.e. to their own natural reason to 
guide them. If these people are any way dissatisfied, you will excuse 
me and put it upon their own consent or choice, as you tell me it was." 

* The Schuylkill, "hidden channel," so named by the Dutch who 
settled on Delaware Bay. The Indians called the river Ganschowe- 
hanne, " der rauschende Strom. 1 

f Present at Weisser s house were the sachems Canassatego and Cax- 
hayton, Onondagas, Saristaque and Shikelliniy, Oneidas, Kakaradasey 
and Sahugksoewa, Cayugas, and Weh-ivelaky, a Shawanese. The Mo 
hawks and Senecas were not represented. Saivantka, the Tuscarora 
chief, remarks Zinzendorf, " war ausser Stand zu erscheinen." 


to them by an Interpreter : " That seeing Kackshajim was 
already personally acquainted with me, and wou d give 
them an Account of me, I wou d therefore take this Oppor 
tunity to inform them what was properly my Business in 
this Country, and wherefore I travell d so about. That I 
believed many of my B rn wou d come into their Districts; 
that our way of proceeding wou d appear very strange to 
them, seeing we wear no Parson s Habits nor preach d 
publickly, but only convers d with the Souls; that indeed 
we were such a Sort of People who as earnestly attend the 
Conversion of Souls as any Body. But we had quite a 
different Method which I wou d now beforehand explain 
to them. For it might so fall out, that one of us might 
happen to be a whole Year among them, and not so much 
as speak with any of them ; which might perhaps give 
Occasion of Suspicion. We are a People who believe that 
before we tell the People something of our God, our God 
^himself must first have spoken to their Hearts. And we 
would speak with none concerning our God, but with 
Hearts which sigh and long to know him. And moreover 
I desir d nothing further of them than this, that they would 
give a Token whereby to know our B rn , so that we might 
avoid Suspicion on both Sides. And that our Brethren 
when they should see good to depart from a Nation might 
be at Liberty to do so without giving any Reason for it : 
and might also be at Liberty to speak together concerning 
what may be of Use to any Soul here or there. That they 
wou d also give their People Freedom to act freely with us 
concerning their Hearts, for we wou d at no Time meddle 
with Matters of State or Trade among them ; for we had 
nothing at all to do with such things ; and as for Necessary 
Things we wou d take Care to provide ourselves with 

Whereupon they withdrew and held a Consultation of an 


Hour long, & then returned again, and the chief of them, 
the King of the Onandagoes spoke to me after this Man 

"Brother, thou art come hither ; we have known nothing 
of thee, nor thou of us ; and thou art also come quite un 
expectedly by us, as we by thee. The chief Spirit must 
have some hand in this. We hear that thou art come over 
Two Seas and over the great Sea, and that thou hast some 
thing to declare from the Great Spirit and no worldly 
thing. We wou d only let thee know that thou and thy 
Brethren when they come, shall allways be welcome to us ; 
and tell us then what you have to say when you come. 
And as a Proof that thou and thy Brethren shall be wel 
come to us, we give thee this Fathom of Wampon." : 

Here the Matter rested ; nor had we any Thing more to 
make out with these Nations, but only that we might be 
able to dwell among them without being suspected by 
them. That was the general outward Affair, and which I 
thus Transacted with the government itself so that no Sus 
picion could arise. And seeing I had this Adventure to 
wards the end of my first Journey among the River Indians, 
I will also say something of the Journey itself. 

These River Indiansf are a People allmost quite Spoil d 
by the Christians with Drunkenness, Thievery and Whore 
dom, &c. Yet they have this Advantage, that they know 
little or nothing of the Christian Religion. For the Chris 
tians have other sort of business with them, and upon that 

* It was a string of 1 86 white beads, subsequently often produced by 
Bishops Spangenberg and Cammerhoff in conferences with the Indians. 
Quaere Was this relic taken to Europe on the division of the Archives 
at Bethlehem in 1766, and on the transfer to Herrnhut of many of its 
records, made in pursuance of a resolution of the General Synod of 

f The Delawares. The name was also applied to the Mohicans. 


Account forget to mention their Religion to them ; where 
fore when one speaks to them, tis something new to 
them, which strikes and leaves an Impression behind upon 
their Hearts. 

This I took particular Notice of at the 3 d Synod* in 
Pennsylvania, whereat there were three of our Indians 
which now are Elders and Deacons of the Congregation in 
Shecomeko, and were Baptiz d in the Synod ; at w ch time 
there came some of the River Indians out of Curiosity to 
see of what Nation they were. Our Indians felt a great 
Stirring in their Hearts on Acco* of these People, and 
begun a preaching to them from Noon till towards Mid 
night. For there was one of our Indians who understood 
the Delaware Language. 

These People express d so much Admiration and listen d 
some Hours with so much Attention, that any one that 
knew them (for they were known to be some of the worst 
sort of their People) could not but be astonished at it. 

Thro out my whole Journey where I have spoken to any 
of the Indians by Bro r Zander, and with all the River In 
dians, I have found a particular Quietness, Attention and 

We never went from them but they intreated us that we 
wo d return to them again : and they have a particular word 

* The third of seven religious convocations convened between Jan 
uary 13 and June 12, 1742, at Germantown, Falkner s Swamp, Oley, 
and Philadelphia. Three of the seven met at Germantown. Zinzendorf 
and Henry Antes led the attempt made in these meetings to harmonize 
the differences which distracted the various religious elements in Penn 
sylvania, and to unite all sects and denominations on the ground of 
Evangelical Christianity. The third Synod met at Mr. Jno. de Turk s, 
in Oley, February 20, 1742. The baptism of the Indian converts took 
place on the 22d. A large concourse of spectators having collected 
to witness the act, it was found necessary to repair to the barn for the 
administration of the rite. 


which I have often heard the old King of the Delaware* 
Indians at Shamokin make use of, that when they hear 
any thing that affects them they cry kahelle ! kahelle ! 
ay ! is it so ? 

We soon found it proper to go on gently with our Visi 
tation of these Indians, since we have not to fear that they 
will soon be Converted by the Christians. We have given 
it in charge to Bro r Anton and Seidel,f now and then to 
make a particular visit to Sickehillehocken t and observe if 
there is a Soul here or there who require that something 
may speedily be done for them. What chiefly gives us 
hopes concerning these River Indians is that they are very 
diligent in coming to Bethlehem, and are exceedingly pleas d 
with their coming to see our Love feasts,J and with Quiet 
ness and Respect take Notice of what we do. So that we 
believe the Church will bring these Heathens to our Saviour 
without speaking a Word. They have already given us 
their Children to take care of for whole Days and Weeks 
together ; which is looked upon among the Indians as the 
greatest Thing they can do, for they have a Wonderfull 
Affection for their Children. 

Indeed the white People have done us that Kindness as 
to tell them, that we wo d make Slaves of all the Children 
which they left with us ; tho they have never regarded it, 
but came and told us what the white People had said to 

* Allummapees, or Sasoonan, a Delaware word signifying " one who 
is well wrapped tip." 

f Nathaniel Seidel. 

J "July 10, 1742. Thirteen Delawares visited us. As several com 
panies have been here within the month we have concluded to send a 
Brother among them to acquire their language." Bethlehem Diarist. 

\ " Capt. John, who lives near by, has entrusted his son, an intelli 
gent boy of eleven, to my care. He has been with me during the 
winter, and has become quite attached to me." Chr. Frolich to Leon- 
hard Dober, Nazareth, l\Iarch 21, I74 1 - 


them. The Heathen continually wonder at this that the 
Christians are so much against us and speak all manner of 
Evil of us ; for they have warned them against us as Here- 
ticks even at the same time when the Heathen do not 
know what Heresy means. 

This was my first Journey. 

My 2 d was to Checomeko, which lies beyond the North 
River, between New England, New York and Albania. 
Just on the Borders of these three Provinces dwell our 
Heathen ; they are the Nation of the Mahikans, a desperate 
and furious People. 

Among these Mahikans our Sav r has given us a Whole 
Congregation within the space of Two Years ; our Bro r 
Rauch has been the Instrument in this Work, who spent 
the greatest part of the first Year among them, in mani 
fest Danger of his Life, for they are the most savage 
People among all the Indians; who not only have been 
excessive Drunkards, but have been exceedingly given to 
Fighting and Murder. And this is one Thing which has 
made the Neighbours thereabouts such as are our Opposers, 
be Astonished,* to see People upon whose Accot. they 
have been afraid to remain in their Houses now become 
like Lambs, and they have told me myself that they were 

* Conrad Weisser, who visited Shecomeco in May of 1743, expressed 
himself in terms of unqualified astonishment at the change wrought in 
this ferocious people through the instrumentality of the Brethren. In 
a letter to Biittner (who was at New York during the interpreter s 
visit), dated Heidelberg, June, 1743, he writes, "The evidences of 
Divine Grace I observed in your Indians, their unaffected piety and 
their simple faith in Christ and his atonement impressed me deeply. 
As I saw their old men seated on rude benches and on the ground 
listening with decorovis gravity and rapt attention to the words of Post, 
I fancied I saw before me a congregation of primitive Christians. John, 
who is truly a child of God, interpreted with demonstration of the 
spirit and of power." 


highly obliged to us for having Converted them, since be 
fore they had not been secure even in their own Houses. 
And John who is now the chief Teacher of the Indians 
was the worst of all. He was exceeding Drunk when Bro r 
Ranch first began to speak something good to Him, and 
did not remember a Word that Ranch had said to him save 
this one word Blood which he so often had heard repeated. 
Blood, Blood that continualy was coming again into his 
mind; and he wanted much to ask the Man what that 
meant, Blood / for he had looked so friendly even while 
he was talking about Blood. Blood! thought he, what 
must that be ? and he even dreamed about it what manner 
of Man must that be who looks so pleased and yet speaks 
allways about Blood ? And once he came in haste to Bro r 
Rauch, and sitting down by him, he earnestly desired him 
to tell him why he allways spoke of Blood with such a 
Motion and Joy of Heart. Then Rauch told him that he 
might easily conceive why it was so with him, for he was 
telling the People that their Creator had Died and shed 
his Blood for them, and he also belong d to these People; 
and it had been shed for him likewise. He then asked 
him if this was true ? and what must one do to get a Share 
therein ? Rauch answered, Nothing but believe and with 
one s Heart hang upon the Man, conversing with him so 
long in the Mind till one experienc d what he did. Then 
he told him but he was so much inclin d to Drunkenness. 
Rauch replied, the reason of that was his not having as 
yet that Blood in his Heart ; and that he should first get 
that, and then his Drunkenness would soon fall away. 
From this time the Heathen constantly attended and 
begg d with sighs that God would make this Thing so to 
him as it was to Rauch. And from that Time he had no 
Leasure to get drunk any more ; for he wo d not let this 
Thing go out of his mind. And his Wife and Mother who 


had been Excessively grieved at his getting Drunk so much, 
were now much more Displeas d that he wo d have nothing 
more to do with drinking, but was now wholly taken up 
with such Things as they could not Comprehend. This 
made him wonder how it came to pass that his People 
were become such Enemies to him upon his altering his 
former course of Life. And the Christians were also no less 
angry with him. He asked Ranch about this Thing, who 
took that opportunity to tell him plainly, That all men 
were such by Nature, and that it was a very great Grace 
when God took a person from the Bulk of Mankind, and 
made him quite another Man ; and therefore People Envied 
such a One because they were Convinced of the Matter in 
their Hearts, and yet would not themselves be Converted. 
Now could the Heathen understand why the Heathen per 
secuted Rauch ; and all his Doubts were removed from 

To this Company whilst they were as yet very few in 
Numbers, I with some of my Brethren took a Journey, and 
tarried with them Eight Days.* These 8 Days we spent 
intirely in Conference with the first Indians, how our Sav r 
would have his work carried on among the Heathen. They 
would fain have the Gospel preached among their People, 
and our Brethren were allmost of their Opinion, but I op 
posed it. At last we all agreed so to Manage the whole 
affair, as to make a Bundle of living ones wherein none 
should be taken but such as should never be able to come 
out again. Upon this Footing has it hitherto proceeded, 
and that with such a Blessing that indeed they have been 
obliged to Baptize i4f at one time and certainly we can- 

* Arrived at Shecomeco August 16, and set out for Bethlehem 
August 24. 

f The " Great Baptism" here alluded to, was performed at Shecomeco 
on the 23d of December, 1742. Among the Indians baptized on that 


not deny but that our Sav r does more at once upon the 
Heathens then he is generally wont to do upon Souls. For 
Instance they have such Severe Morals, which spring up in 
them intirely of themselves (for they have no outward In 
struction on those Matters) and according to these they 
Manage their outward Affairs with the greatest Exactness 
in all Respects. The Heathen have a surprizing Love for 
Hunting and they are not only Lovers of the Thing but it 
is also intirely their Livelihood. Our dear Br. Jonathan, 
who at the time of my being there was one of the 
most Eager Hunters among them, is since that time Con 
verted to our Sav r and Baptiz d.* This Man had once 
with a great deal of Pains for several Days, at last kill d a 
Dear with a Bullet and brought it home, when a so called 
Christian, an English Man came to him and told him Sor 
rowing that he had Shot at a Dear some days before but it 
had run away from him ; upon which the Indian said to 
him, then the Dear is yours for I have found some Shot in 
him, and I had no Shot with me, and Straightway he gave 
him the Dear. The Christian could not Comprehend that 
a Savage should give him a Dear to which he had no man 
ner of right, seeing the other had caught it and had it now 
in his possession. The Heathen told him he should let 
him have that Satisfaction, and that he thanked God that 
he had found the proper Person for the Dear ; and that he 
wo d have nothing to do with what did not belong to him, 
whereupon the Man said, "Surely you are a Christian." 
" No," replied Jonathan, " I am none as yet, tho I am upon 
the point of becoming one." "But," says the English Man, 

occasion by Biittner and Mack was Nicodemus, Elder of the Indian 
congregation at Bethlehem in 1746. 

* Jonathan, a Mohican, baptized by Biittner at Shecomeco, October 
21, 1742, a few days after the missionary and his wife reached the 



"where will you get another Dear ?" " Our Sav r ," answered 
he, "will surely give me another ; and besides that Hunting 
has been allways my Chief Enemy ; and when he will have 
it so that I shall have a Dear, he will send me one, and when 
he sees it is not good for me yet still I am Contented." 

The next Day he got two Dears which he brought to the 
Brethren and said, "How good is the Dear Sav r ! Yester 
day I gave away one Dear and to Day he gives me two in 
return, but it will not be so allways. I will be content tho 
the next Time I get none." 

Now this Church injoys unspeakable Blessings. What we 
have now had an Ace* of in Biittner s Letter is but the 
least part of them, for we have received some other Letters 
from thence since his which are full of Wonders. 

I will speak briefly of my 3 d Journey and therewith Con 
clude. This fell out in Autumn, in the Months of October 
and November and took up 49 Days,* during which time 
I and my Company could do nothing else but dwell in 
Desarts of all Sorts. 

I visited several Nations but with no Success except in 
Three places which be an 100 Miles distant from each 
other. The nearest Place I went to by Checomeko is 
called Ostonwaxin. Here I met with French Indians, who 
yet are under the protection of the English. I found no 
Freedom to speak among them but I spoke to our Sav r 
earnestly for them in their presence, and they understood 
me in their Language, and were affected with it. And the 
Chief person among themf is become so hearty, that he 
Conducted me some 100 Miles thro out my whole Journey, 
as far as Bethlehem where he continued with us 8 or 10 
Days and at length departed with a Heart very much 
Affected and Convinced. There will be a Brother and a 

* September 21 to November 8. f Andrew Montour. 


Sister be sent to reside among them which they have earn 
estly desired.* 

The other Tour was as far as the great Desarts of Ske- 
hantowanno, where no Christians either come or dare to 
come, Which tract of Land I hear they will not sell to the 

For which reason they have used that Policy not to re 
ceive one among them who belong to the Six Nations ; but 
do let the Floridas an exceeding savage people come and 
settle there; among these I remained 20 Days, and one may 
easily imagine how difficult it was. Yet we travelled so 
long till we found 2 Souls for our Sav r . One of them was 
a Schikasi from Florida who was Prisoner there, and the 
other was an old Mahikan Woman, a relation to the King 
of the Schawanos, who more properly belonged to Cheko- 
meko, where our Congregation is but knew nothing of the 
Conversion there. To those Hagen and his Wifef are now 

As I return d from thence I came back to Schomako 
where the Indians have their Rendevous, and it is in some 
measure like the Hague in Holland. Here I renewed my 
compact with them and gave them to understand what our 
future Conduct wo d be among them, and that the Pilgrim 
Congregation^ w ch would intirely disperse itself among them 
wo d come and dwell there a Couple of Years. 

This place is at least 80 Miles distant from the nighest 

* David Bruce and his wife were sent to Otstonwakin^ and sojourned 
there a few weeks in 1743. His wife was conversant with French. 

f John Hagen, September 19, 1742, married Margaret, daughter of 
David Dismann, of Providence Township, Montgomery County, Penn 

J Those of the Brethren who were employed as missionaries, or as 
ministers of the gospel, and as such led an itinerant life, constituted 
the " Pilgrim congregation," and were called " Pilgrims." 


Settlement of the Christians, but Three Hundred Miles 
from Onandago, and tis not to be supposed that the Chris 
tians should come thither, for the very sending thither is 
allmost quite Impossible on account of the Surprizing 
Mountains w ch are impassable to any but our Sav r s Chil 

This was the Conclusion of my Labour among the Indians. 

From thence I return d in some Days to Bethlehem and 
there began my general Land preaching after which I took 
my leave of Pennsylvania on the -^ of January this present 

The Brethren who are to go among the Heathen are 
allready appointed, and 20 of them by this Time know the 
places designed for them and when they are all come to 
gether there will be 40 of them, which will be Enough 
among the Heathen for some Time; for we intend allways 
to take as many Chief Labourers, as may be out of their 
own Nations that our Saviour may get Souls among them. 

* On his return from the Indian country in November of 1742, Zin- 
zendorf matured a plan of operations for the Brethren at Bethlehem. 
It included the preaching of the Gospel in the four counties of the 
Province, the care of the congregations gathered in Oley, German- 
town, Philadelphia, Tulpehocken, and Fredericktown, and the estab 
lishment of schools in the townships. On the 2d of December he set 
out on a circuit of the German settlements in Macungy, Oley, Tulpe 
hocken, Heidelberg, and Conestoga. He returned to Bethlehem on 
the 1 2th, and, excepting a week s absence at Philadelphia (De 
cember 14-20), remained there until the last of the year. On that day 
he bade adieu to the " House on the Lehigh" the " House of Bread " 
on which reposed the hopes he cherished for the extension of Christ s 
kingdom among whites and Indians. 

Having for the last time conferred with his colaborers in the Gospel 
of other denominations in Philadelphia, on the pth of January, 1743, 
on the 1 2th of the month he set out for New York, and from that port 
took ship for Europe. 


I carefully forbear saying any thing more at present of 
my Journeys among the Heathen, tho I and my dear 
Companions shall continually keep them in mind with 
constant satisfaction. 

Sung the 2 d and 3 d Verse of the Hymn,* 

" Most worthy Spirit, Guide of Jesus Train." 

* No. XXXIII. in a " Collection of Hymns never before published." 
London : Printed for James Hutton at the Bible and Sun, in Little 
"Wild Street, near Lincoln s Inn Fields, 1742. 




To be pursued by the Brethren, in the Mission among the North 
American Indians, with comments, made by Count Zinzendorf on 
his return from the Indian country, in November of 1742. 

( Translated* from a German Autograph in the Archives at Bethlehem. ] 

I. BETHLEHEM. On which depends 

1. The direction of the work in all its details. 

2. The stated visitation of the River Indians. 

3. The appointment to and support of mission 

aries at the following places in the order 
named (in accordance with information ob 
tained from the interpreter at Tulpehocken .?) 
viz.: a, on the North River. 

I), in the neighborhood of Bethlehem 

in huts.f 

c, at Shamokin, near Spangenberg 


* The translator found difficulty in deciphering portions of this MS. 
The Count wrote a running hand, which is often almost illegible. 

f The hope or intention here expressed of beginning an Indian set 
tlement at or near Bethlehem was partially realized in the temporary 
stay of the Mohicans there in 1746. It was fulfilled when Nain was 
built in the summer of 1758, on the upper Benezet tract. 


e, at Gnadenstadt (City of Grace) 
on the great flats of Skehan- 

II. OTSTONWAKIN. The center of operations among the 

French half-breeds, who are to be reached through 
Andrew Montour, alias Sattelihu, and the ren 
dezvous of missionaries appointed to labor 

1. Among the Tuscaroras, 

2. On " the Long Island," 

3. At Ohio,f and 

4. Among the Senecas. 

III. CHEKOMEKO. The seat of our congregation of 

Christian Indians, whence colonists will be sent 
to Skehandowana, whenever its increase will 
render a transfer elsewhere necessary. 

IV. WAYOMIK. Although occupied by savages who 

guard the silver mines, yet the seat of a small 
congregation of believers composed of the cap 
tive Chikasi, and an aged Mohican and her 
daughter. These three will entertain and pro 
vide for missionaries on their way thence, to 

1. The Mohawks, 

2. The Oneidas, 

3. The Onondagas, and 

* This town was never built. When Spangenberg was at Wyoming, 
in the autumn of 1746, he expressed a hope that in time it would be 
come the seat of a mission and of a congregation of Christian Indians. 
In 1757 he proposed to Teedyuscung to purchase of him that part of 
the valley in which the Shawanese had resided in 1742, for a settle 
ment of the Christian Indians then at Bethlehem. The king did not 
entertain the proposal. 

f Chr. Frederic Post missionated among the Indians on the Ohio 
in 1760. 



4. The Cayugas, 

among whom we already have acquaintances. 
Two Sachems of the last named nation were 
present when I received the string of wampum. 
V. NEW ENGLAND. Albany is to be the center of opera 
tions in this field. As the Mohicans are the 
dominant tribe, and as their language is the 
prevalent dialect, a colony will be sent from 
Checomeco thither, to form the nucleus of a 

1. Apostles among the Indians. Rauch* and 


2. Elder among the Indians. Antonius.f 

3. Superintendents of the Mission. The Gen 

eral Elder of the congregations in America 
and his wife.J 

4. Evangelists. Biittner, Tschoop, et alii. 

5. Secretaries. Pyrlaeus|| and George Neisser. 

* Christian Henry Rauch. 

f Quaere Anton Seyffert ? 

\ Spangenberg was General Elder from his arrival in America in the 
autumn of 1744 to the abolition of that office in November of 1748. 
Until his return to Europe in July of 1762, he continued to superin 
tend the Brethren s work in all its departments. 

| Gottlob Buttner, from Silesia, born January 9, 1717. Deceased at 
Shecomeco (where he had labored since Oct. of 1742) March 6, 1745. 

|| Jno. Christopher Pyrlaeus, the Mohawk scholar, was born at Pausa, 
Voigtland, in 1713. Studied for the ministry at the University of Leip- 
sic between 1733 and 1738. Here became attached to the Brethren, 
visited Herrnhut, and accepted an appointment as missionary. Sailed 
from London in company with Buttner and Zander, and reached Beth 
lehem October 19, 1740. Ordained to the ministry during the sessions 
of the Synod convened in Oley. July 10, 1742, married Susan, young 
est daughter of Jno. Stephen Benezet, and soon after repaired to Phila 
delphia to assist Zinzendorf in the ministry. Pursuant to the Count s 
instructions, Pyrlaeus and his wife repaired to Tulpehocken in Jan- 


6. Agents. Conrad Weisser, King Shikellimy, 
Andrew Montour, Isaac, and Caxhayton 
in Onondaga. 

uary of 1743, and for three months engaged in the study of the Mohawk, 
under Weisser s direction, in whose house they lodged, and whose 
children they in turn schooled. In June they set out for the Mohawk 
country. Having visited Shecomeco, they traveled west, through 
Albany and Schenectady, and reached the Mohawk castle of Canajo- 
harie on the I7th of July. " Here," he writes in his autobiography, 
" we lodged in the cabin of a poor German opposite the Indian town, 
suffering many privations and often in danger of our lives. My wife, 
who had left a home of plenty, was but ill able to contend with the 
hardships that fell to her lot, and yet she bore up bravely. In order 
to perfect myself in the Mohawk, I spent much of my time among the 
Indians. In August I was summoned to Shecomeco to confer with 
some of the Brethren from Bethlehem, and, after an absence of eleven 
days, returned to Canajoharie, accompanied by Anton Seyffert. To 
gether, we now visited the other Mohawk castles, and resolved to go 
to Onondaga. On arriving at the last white settlement on our way 
thither, we met a Sachem of the Six Nations, who, on learning our 
purpose, opposed its execution, first by using dissuasion and then by 
threatening violence. Thus foiled, we returned to Canajoharie, and 
soon afterwards set out for Bethlehem. This was the latter part of 
September." The Brethren having failed to procure a Mohawk In 
dian from Freehold to instruct in that language such of their num 
ber as were set apart for the mission, Pyrlaeus undertook this, and 
on the 4th of February, 1744, opened his Indian School. Abra 
ham Buhninger, Joseph Moller, Michael Schnall, John J. Bull, alias 
Shebosh, David Zeisberger, the well-known missionary, and John and 
Margaret Hagen, were his pupils. In September of 1745, his. first 
translations of hymns into Mohican appeared. This was the begin 
ning of a collection for the use of the mission. While at Gnaden- 
hiitten, on the Mahoning, between 1747 and 1749, he prosecuted the 
study of the Mohican, and gave Mohawk lessons to David Bruce, 
Henry Frey, Daniel Oesterlein, and others. From January of 
1749 to September of 1750, when the Institute was closed, he 
was engaged at the school for boys in Frederictown. This was his 
last appointment in America. In November of 1751, he sailed for 



The language for general use in the mission, 
the Mohawk. 

England, where he labored until 177- He next went to Germany. 
His wife died at Herrnhut May 28, 1779. He deceased there May 
28, 1785. 

Pyrlaeus contributions to the department of American philology, 
to which he applied himself with laborious devotion, and for the study 
of which his high scholarship well qualified him, were the following: 

1 . A Collection of Words and Phrases in the Iroquois or Onondaga 
Language explained into German. 410. 140 pp. 

2. Affixa Nominum et Verborum Lingucz Macquaicce. 4to. 25 pp. 
With this are bound several Iroquois Vocabularies and Collections of 
Phrases, together making 178 pp. 

3. Adjectiva, Nomina et Pronomina Lingua Macquaicce, cum non- 
nullis de Verbis, Adverbiis, ac Prcepositionibus ejusdem Linguce. 4to. 
86 pp. 

Mrs. Henry B. Luckenbach, of Bethlehem, is a great-granddaughter 
of the missionary. 





(Compiled from Authentic Records.} 

WHO are these Indians, and what brought them here to 
die ? are questions often asked by those who read the epi 
taphs of the dead that lie buried in the old Moravian grave 
yard at Bethlehem. 

Most of them were converts from heathenism. Some 
came here as to a city of refuge, because they had been 
driven by white men from their ancestral seats, and others 
came because they confided only in the Brethren at a 
time when their race was an object of almost universal ab 

The persecution of the Moravians in New York by Acts* 
of Assembly in 1744 resulted in the abandonment of the 
Shecomeco Mission, which event was followed by an influx 
of Mohicans to Bethlehem. These were transferred in 1 746 
to Gnadenhtitten, on the Mahoning. Here the Mission 
received accessions from the Delawares. After the me 
morable massacre in the night of the 24th of November, 
1755, upward of seventy Christian Mohicans and Delawares 
fled to Bethlehem, and remained there, or at Nain, until 
1761, in which year the last Indian interment was made 
in the Bethlehem grave-yard. 

* These Acts are published in C? Callagharfs Documentary History 
of Neiv York. 




Fifty-eight converts were buried there in the interval 
between 1746 and 1761, representatives of all the tribes 
and stations among and at which the Brethren then labored 
as messengers of the Gospel. And now, although a full 
century has passed since the remains of the Delaware 
maiden, Theodora, were carried to their long home, these 
dead of another race in the white man s cemetery still 
tell of a time when Bethlehem was the central seat of a 
Mission, of which there is no trace but the hillocks that 
cover the mouldering bones of her Indian converts. 

1. John, a Mohican of Shecomeco, baptized by the mis 
sionary J. Martin Mack, at Bethlehem, July 13, and de 
ceased July 15, 1746. Infant son of Joseph and Mary. 
No. 40.* 

2. Anna, infant daughter of Zaccheus and Magdalene, 
Mohicans of Shecomeco ; born at Bethlehem, July 1 7th, 
baptized by J. Martin Mack, on the same day, and de 
ceased July 1 8, 1746. No. 42. 

3. Magdalene, alias Aguttdguos, a Mohican, baptized by 
J. Martin Mack at Shecomeco, December 23, 1742. De 
ceased July 20, 1746. Mother of Anna. No. 43. 

4. Joseph, alias Nan nachdausch, a Mohican, baptized by 
J. Martin Mack at Shecomeco, December 23, 1742. De 
ceased July 21, 1746. Husband of Mary. No. 44. 

5. Benjamin, f alias Schabat, a Wampanoag of Pachgat- 
goch, baptized by Bro. Peter Bohler at Shecomeco, 
August 1 8, 1743. Deceased July 28, 1746. No. 46. 

* The figure appended to each notice indicates the number of the 

f The first Indian that resided at Bethlehem. An inmate of the 
Single Brethren s House. 


6. Peter,* alias Nachsdbamit, a Mohican of Wechquad- 
nach, baptized by J. Martin .Mack at Shecomeco, January 
6, 1743. Deceased July 28, 1746. No. 47. 

7. Wesakau,^ a Wampanoag of Pachgatgoch. Deceased 
July 28, 1746. No. 48. 

8. Isaac, J alias Otabawdnemen, a Wampanoag of She- 

* The husband of Christiana. After Peter s decease she was mar 
ried to John Joseph Bull, whom the Indians called Shebosh, " running 
water." Both were assistants in the Mission for many years, and fol 
lowed the fortunes of the Moravian Indians, north and west, in their 
exodus from the settled portions of Pennsylvania in 1765. Christiana 
deceased in the autumn of 1787. 

f Was not baptized. 

J One of three Indians baptized at the close of a Synod held at Mr. 
Jno. de Turcks. The rite of baptism was on this occasion administered 
for the first time to Indians by the Brethren. The three candidates 
were Schabash, Otabawanemen, and Mashak. They had been brought 
from Shecomeco by their missionary, who, after having received ordi 
nation at the hands of Bishop Nitschmann, baptized them, naming 
them respectively Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. All of them became 
assistants in the mission among their people. Abraham deceased in 
Wyoming in December of 1762, and Jacob was buried in "Potters 
Field" (Washington Square), Philadelphia, hi February of 1764. 
Zinzendorf had dispatched Buttner to Shecomeco for Rauch and the 
catechumens. While at Philadelphia, on their return home, they 
waited on James Logan (February 3), who alludes to the interview 
in these words in a letter to Governor Clarke, of New York : " Some 
weeks ago two Moravians called on me, by the Count s direction, with 
three of y e Mohican Indians in their company. One of the latter 
speaking good English served for an interpreter. All three were 
proselytes, exceeding grave but with free and no ill countenances. 
Though the young Germans drank one glass of wine apiece with us, 
the others would taste nothing but water. I hope if these two Ger 
mans, or either of them should settle in your Province, y e traders and 
others of y e people will treat them courteously ; since I think we may 
all be assured they have no views whatever (as y e Romish Priests and 
other Emissaries have) that can be inconsistent with the British inter 
ests. So much I thought it might be requisite to say of them." 


comeco, baptized by the missionary Christian Henry Rauch, 
in Oley, Berks County, February 22, 1742. Deceased 
August 2, 1746. Husband of Rebecca. No. 52. 

9. Samuel, a Delaware, baptized by Brother John Brand- 
muller at Bethlehem, August 9, 1 746, and deceased the same 
day. Infant son of Beata. No. 54. 

10. Gabriel, a Mohican, baptized by the missionary 
Gottlob Biittner, at Shecomeco, May 21, 1744. Deceased 
August 13, 1746, aged 3 years. Son of Joshua. No. 55. 

11. Elisabeth, a Mohican, baptized by Bro. John Brand- 
miiller at Bethlehem, August 12, and deceased August 14, 
1746. Infant daughter of Peter and Christiana. No. 56. 

12. Thomas,* alias, Pechtawdppeed, alias Harris, a Sopus 
Indian, baptized by Christian H. Rauch at Shecomeco, 
August 22, 1742. Deceased August 15, 1746. Husband 
of Esther. No. 57. 

13. Zipporah, alias Wawottackem, a Hogelandf Indian, 
baptized by Bishop David Nitschmann at Shecomeco, 
August 18, 1743. Deceased August 23, 1746. Wife of 
Nathaniel. No. 59. 

14. Thomas, \ a Mohican of Shecomeco. Deceased 
August 26, 1746, aged 10 years. Son of Jephthah. No. 60. 

* A Mohican of Sopus, or a " Lorolander." Thomas, and Esther 
his wife, left Shecomeco for Bethlehem in August of 1743, and 
were appointed steward and stewardess of Indians residing or visiting 
there. Both were highly esteemed by their people and instrumental 
in the conversion of Gehntachquishigunt and Olele>n^tla^^, the first con 
verts from the Delawares, who were baptized at Bethlehem April 26, 
1745, by Rauch and Mack, receiving the names of Gottlieb and Mary, 
respectively. Thomas is introduced in the painting of the " First 
Fruits," the original of which is at Herrnhut, one copy at Zeyst, in 
Holland, and a second at Bethlehem. 

f Hogeland, or Hoogland, Dutch for Highlands, a name applied to 
the Highlands of New York. The Indians called them Wequehachke, 
the hill-country. 

J Was not baptized. 


15. John,* alias Wasamapah, alias Tschope, a Mohican, 
baptized by Chrn. H. Rauch, at Shecomeco, April 16, 1742. 
Deceased August 27, 1746. No. 62. 

1 6. Salome, f a Wampanoag, baptized by Gottlob Biitt- 
ner, at Shecomeco, December 23, 1742. Deceased Sep 
tember 1 6, 1746. Wife of Joshua. No. 65. 

* John, alias Wasamapah, alias Tschoop (Job), was one of the com 
pany of drunken Indians whom Rauch met on the streets of New York, 
a few days after his arrival from Europe, in July of 1740. Invited by 
these strangers to their village on the Shecomeco, the missionary went 
thither and preached the Gospel. Its power was soon demonstrated in 
the conviction of Tschoop, who expressed a desire to become, by bap 
tism, a member of the Christian Church. Indisposition preventing 
him from accompanying three other candidates to Oley, the adminis 
tration of the rite, in his case, was postponed. John left Shecomeco 
for Bethlehem in August of 1745. Here he acted as interpreter in the 
sen-ice held for the Indians on Sunday afternoon in the Brethren s 
chapel. He also gave instruction in Mohican to a number of brethren 
and sisters who were designed for missionaries. On the organization 
of the refugees from Shecomeco into a Christian congregation, at 
Friedenshiltten (the Huts of Peace), on the 2 4 th of July, 1746, John 
was appointed their teacher. Soon after, small-pox broke out at the 
Indian quarters. To this malady he fell a victim, after a painful illness 
of seven days, during which he gave evidence of the mighty work of 
grace which the Spirit of God had wrought in his heart. In the pres 
ence of his weeping countrymen, who had been summoned to his bed 
side, and amid the prayers of Spangenberg and Rauch, the spirit of the 
patient sufferer was released from its tenement of clay. This was on 
the 27th of August. In the afternoon of Sunday, the 28th, a funeral 
sermon was delivered by Rauch, and the remains were then conveyed 
to the grave-yard amid the strains of solemn music. As the body was 
being lowered into the earth, Nicodemus, the Elder, knelt by the grave 
and offered prayer. The concurrent testimony of those who knew 
John shows that he was not unworthy of the name of the beloved dis 
ciple which he bore, and that this evangelist among his people was 
a marvelous instance of the transforming power of divine grace. 
f Stewardess at Friedenshiitten. 


17. Gottlob, a Mohican, baptized by Chr. H. Rauch, at 
Bethlehem, September 9, and deceased September 23, 1746. 
Infant son of Joshua and Salome. No. 66. 

1 8. Nathaniel, a Mohican, baptized by the missionary 
John Christopher Pyrlaeus, at Bethlehem, December 17, 
and deceased December 18, 1746. Infant son of Nathaniel 
and Zipporah. No. 73. 

19. Beata, a Delaware, baptized by Bishop John C. 
Frederic Cammerhoff, at Bethlehem, March 22, 1747, and 
deceased the same day, aged 18 months. Daughter of 
Beata, and brother of Samuel (9). No. 74. 

20. Lucas, alias Quawdtschonit (he takes a child "by the 
hand and leads //), a Wampanoag of Pachgatgoch, baptized 
by J. Martin Mack, at Shecomeco, March 27, 1743. De 
ceased October 3, 1747. Father of Rachel Post. No. 77. 

21. Theodora, alias Atechtanodh (soon ripe], a Wampa 
noag of Pachgatgoch, baptized by J. Martin Mack, at Beth 
lehem, October 5, 1747, and deceased the same day, aged 
80 years. Grandmother of Rachel Post. No. 78. 

22. Rachel Post, a Wampanoag, baptized by Gottlob 
Biittner, at Pachgatgoch, February 13, 1743. Deceased 
December 26, 1747. Daughter of Lucas (20) and Priscilla, 
alias Amanariochque. 

Rachel received her first religious impressions under 
David Brainerd s preaching, at Kaunameek.* September 
8, 1743, she was married to the missionary, Christian 
Frederic Post, at Shecomeco. She bore him two children 
a son, Ludwig John, born at Bethlehem, September 24, 
1744, baptized by Brother Paul D. Pryzelius, and deceased 
there May 13, 1745 ; and a daugher, Mary, born at Beth 
lehem, April 10, 1746, baptized by Brother Abraham Mei- 
nung, and deceased there December 26, 1747- Their 

Twenty miles west of Stockbridge, Mass. 


numbers are 23 and 82. A still-born child was buried with 
Rachel. No. 83. 

23. Salome,* a Monsey, baptized by J. Martin Mack, at 
Gnadenhiitten, April 9, 1747. Deceased May 18, 1748. 
Infant daughter of Benjamin and Zipporah. No. 102. 

24. Thomas,f a Mohican, baptized by J. Martin Mack, 
at Gnadenhiitten, November 17, 1746. Deceased July 7, 

1748. Infant son of Thomas Pechtawappeed and Esther. 
No. 106. 

25. Daniel, a Delaware, baptized by Bishop John M. de 
Watteville, at Bethlehem, March 5, and deceased April 19, 

1749. An adult brother of Salome, a Delaware. No. 121. 

26. Lydia,J a Delaware. Deceased May 4, 1749, aged 
2 years. Daughter of Henry and Dorothea. No. 122. 

27. Anna, a Delaware, baptized by Bishop de Watteville, 
at Bethlehem, February 16, and deceased June 20, 1749. 
Infant daughter of Henry and Dorothea. No. i 23. 

28. Anna Salome, a Delaware, baptized by Brother Samuel 
Krause, at Bethlehem, October 9, 1749, and deceased the 
same day, aged 3 years. Daughter of Salome. No. 127. 

29. Theodora, 1 1 a Delaware, baptized by Brother Gottlieb 
Pezold, at Bethlehem, October 23, and deceased November 
24, 1749. No 129. 

* An inmate of the Institute for Children, at Bethlehem. 

f Also an inmate of the Institute. 

J Was not baptized. Her parents were from New Jersey. Both 
had been baptized at Bethlehem in January of 1749. Henry was born 
when corn needed hoeing the first time, in 1727, in an Indian village on 
the Delaware, a few miles east of Hunter s settlement, or Huntersville, 
in Lower Mount Bethel. Dorothea was born at Good Luck, on the Jer 
sey coast, and thence removed to Cranberry. 

\ At Friedenshiitten. 

|| Came to Bethlehem, from her home on the Schuylkill, north of 
the Blue Mountain. She was very aged, and totally blind. 


30. Rachel,* a Delaware, baptized by Bishop Cammer 
hoff, near Bethlehem, January 10, and deceased January 15, 
1750. No. 130. 

31. Anna Mary, alias Taiibchen (Little Dove], a Mohi 
can, baptized by Brother Abraham Reincke, at Nazareth, 
January i, 1747. Deceased January 23, 1750, aged 12 
years. Daughter of Nathaniel and Zipporah (13). No. 

32. Jonas, a Mohican of Wechquadnach, baptized by 
Bishop Cammerhoff, at Bethlehem, August 28, and deceased 
August 29, 1750, aged 9 years. Son of Jonas.f No. 144. 

33. Martin, J alias Mahab, a Wampanoag, of Shecomeco, 
baptized by J. Martin Mack, at Bethlehem, January 23, 
1749. Deceased October 26, 1750, aged 6 years. Son of 
Philip and Lydia. No. 146. 

34. Salome, alias Jankoch, a Hogeland Indian of She 
comeco, baptized by Bishop Cammerhoff, at Bethlehem, 
May 4, 1748. Deceased April 18, 1751. Foster-daughter 
of Nicodemus. No. 154. 

35. Zipporah, 1 1 alias Wechnawashque, a Mohican, of 
Shecomeco, baptized by Bishop Cammerhoff, at Bethlehem, 
August 4, 1748. Deceased May 9, 1751, aged 18 years. 
Daughter of Nathaniel and Zipporah, (13). No. 156. 

* A widow, and sister of Old Nutimus, the Delaware king of Nes- 
copec. Baptized in an Indian encampment on the Manakasy, a mile 
northwest of Bethlehem. 

j- Came to Bethlehem from Shecomeco, in May of 1746. Was 
nurse at Friedenshiitten. 

Born at Shecomeco, in the time of wheat harvest, in 1744- ^ n 
1747 was entered at the school in Frederictown. Thence transferred 
to the Institute at Bethlehem. 

\ Born in December of 1733, in Wequehachke, the Highlands. An 
inmate of the Single Sisters House. 

II An inmate of the Single Sisters House. 


36. Benigna Christiana, a Mohican of Shecomeco, bap 
tized by Bishop Cammerhoff, at Nazareth,* November 23, 
1748. Deceased June 4, 1751, aged eight years. Daughter 
of Peter (6) and Christiana. No. 158. 

37. Agnes Post, a Delaware of the Unamt, or Turtle 
tribe, from New Jersey, baptized by Bishop Cammerhoff at 
Bethlehem, March 5, 1749. Deceased July 8, 1751, aged 
22 years.f 

Agnes s father and grandfather were Six Nation Indians. 
She had attended Brainerd s preaching at Crossweeksung, 
near Bordentown. In September of 1749 was married to 
Christian Frederic Post, at Bethlehem. She bore him a son, 
Christian Frederic, who was baptized by Bishop Cammer 
hoff, November i, 1755, an( i wno deceased January n, 
1751 (No. 151). Agnes s sister, Juliana, was the wife of 
Amos, King Teedyuscung s oldest son. No. 160. 

38. Caritas,^ a Delaware of Meniolagomeka, baptized by 
Bishop Cammerhoff at Bethlehem, May 6, 1749. Deceased 
January 30, 1752, aged 8 years. Daughter of Daniel and 
Ruth. No. 165. 

39. Gottlieb, a Wampanoag, baptized by J. Martin 
Mack at Gnadenhiitten, September 7, 1750. Deceased 
January 5, 1753, aged 2 years. Son of John Peter (46) 
and Esther. No. 177. 

40. Anna Maria, alias Nannachpelema, a Delaware of 
Gnadenhutten, baptized by Bishop Matthias G. Hehl, at 
Bethlehem, February 27, 1752. Deceased October 28, 
I 753- Wife of Tobias, alias Laochalent, alias Tom Evans. 
No. 181. 

* At the time in the Institute for Children in the Whitefield House. 
f Died of consumption at Friedenshiitten, where she and her hus 
band were superintendents. 

\ An inmate of the Institute for Children, at Bethlehem. 


41. Anna Caritas,* alias Schitemoque, a Shawanese from 
Skehandowana (Wyoming), baptized by Bishop de Watte- 
ville, in Frederictown, Montgomery County, November 
21, 1748. Deceased December 31, 1755. No. 196. 

42. Isaac, f a Wampanoag of Shecomeco, baptized by 
Bishop Cammerhoff, at Bethlehem, January 17, 1749. De 
ceased February 18, 1756, aged 18 years. A son of Isaac 
Otabawanemen (8) and Rebecca. No. 203. 

43. Anna, a Delaware, baptized by J. Martin Mack, at 
Meniolagomeka, May 2, 1753. Deceased at Bethlehem, 
April 23, 1756, aged 3 years. Daughter of Joshua and 
Agnes. No. 204. 

44. Simeon, J a Delaware from New Jersey, baptized by 
the missionary Bernhard Adam Grube, at Bethlehem, 
January 6, and deceased October 17, 1756, aged 70 years. 
No. 209. 

45. Samuel, alias Achgonoma, a Delaware of Meniolago 
meka, baptized by the missionary John Jacob Schmick, at 

* Born in North Carolina, near the Wachovia tract. Thither her 
mother, a Shawanese, had been brought by some Mohawk warriors 
on their return north from a maraud. Immediately after giving birth 
to her child she died, and Schitemoque was left to the care of a sister, 
who reared her on the pulp of the .calabash. Migrated with others 
of her people to Wyoming, whence she came to Bethlehem, a widow, 
in 1747. She was the first convert from the Shawanese. 

f Born in Shecomeco, when corn was ripe, in 1738. Came to Beth 
lehem in 1746. W T as entered at the school in Frederictown. Thence 
transferred to a school for boys, opened in 1747, south of the Lehigh, 
near the " Crown," and from there into the Single Brethren s House. 

Stepfather of Augustus, alias George Rex, Born at Egg Harbor, 
on the Jersey coast. A medicine-man, in high repute among his 
people. Thence he removed north of the Blue Mountain, and became 
acquainted with the Brethren at Meniolagomeka. In 1754 settled 
in Gnadenhiitten, east of the Lehigh. Fled to Bethlehem after the 
massacre on the Mahoning. He was totally blind. 


Bethlehem, January 5, and deceased January u, 1757, 
aged 14 years. Son of Augustus, alias George Rex, Cap 
tain of Meniolagomeka, and Elder of the Christian Indians 
at Bethlehem between November of 1755 and October of 
1758. No. 212. 

46. John Peter,* alias Peter Robert, a Wampanoag of 
Pachgatgoch, baptized by Bishop Cammerhoff at Bethle 
hem, November, 1748. Deceased April i, 1757. No. 215. 

47. Christiana, a Mohican, baptized by J. Martin Mack, 
at Gnadenhiitten, October 18, 1755. Deceased April i, 
1757. Infant daughter of John Peter (46) and Esther. 
No. 216. 

48. Samuel, a Delaware, baptized by Bishop Bohler, at 
Bethlehem, December n, and deceased December 14, 
1757. Infant son of Aquilaf and Maria, of Gnadenhiitten. 
No. 224. 

49. Sophia, a Delaware, baptized by J. Martin Mack, at 
Bethlehem, January 6, and deceased January 7, 1758. In 
fant daughter of Paul and Magdalene. No. 225. 

50. Michael, J alias Hendrick, a Monsey, baptized by 
Gottlob Buttner, at Shecomeco, December 23, 1742. De- 

* Came to Gnadenhiitten in the autumn of 1746. May, 1749, mar 
ried Esther, the relict of Thomas Pechtowappeed, then at Gnadenhiitten. 
In 1752 removed to Bethlehem, and was appointed steward at the new 
Indian quarters opened on the Manakasy, west of the grist-mill. 

f Half-brother of Augustus, alias George Rex. 

J In early life Michael had been a noted brave in his tribe, and 
once in an engagement had kept his post resolutely, although the tree 
at which he stood had been struck by twenty bullets. After his bap 
tism he was true to his profession, and he died the death of the right 
eous. As he lay a corpse, the serenity of his countenance contrasted 
markedly with the barbaric devices with which his face had been scari 
fied in the days when deeds of blood were the delight of " the Crown 
of the Indian Mission." 



ceased July 24, 1758, a widower, aged 70 years, called 
" The Croivn of the Indian Mission" No. 233. 

51. Eve, a Hogeland Indian, baptized by Bro. Anton 
Seyffert, at Shecomeco, August 18, 1743. Deceased at 
Nain, November 18, 1758.* No. 241. 

52. Hannah, a Monsey, baptized by J. Martin Mack, at 
Nain, November 12, and deceased there December 24, 
1758. No. 244. 

53. Eleonora, a Mohican, baptized by J. Martin Mack, 
at Nain, November 12, 1758, and deceased there February 
25, 1759. Infant daughter of Daniel and Elisabeth. 
No. 247. 

54. Henry, a Mohican, baptized by J. Martin Mack, at 
Nain, February 26, and deceased February 27, 1759. In 
fant son of Abel and Philippina. No. 248. 

55. Joseph, a Mohican, baptized by Bishop Spangen- 
berg, at Bethlehem, August 25, 1758. Deceased at Nain, 
March 10, 1759. No. 2 5- 

56. Theodora, alias Aktees, a Delaware of Gnadenhiitten, 
baptized by Bernhard A. Grube, at Bethlehem, February 
22, 1756.7 Deceased January 17, 1761, aged 19 years. 
Daughter of Sam Evans, and niece of Teedyuscung, King 
of the Delawares. No. 291. 

* In April of 1759 the Brethren Spangenberg and Bohler selected 
the site for a grave-yard at Nain. The first interment there was that 
of the Delaware, Nicodemus, alias Joe Evans, in January of 1760. 

f After her baptism, Theodora was admitted into the Single Sisters 
House. There she deceased. 






THESE are the simple annals of lowly ones of the earth 
who crossed the seas as ambassadors of a King. 

To many they may appear dead things, and dry as the 
bones that the seer of old saw in the Valley of Vision, or 
prove only a passionless picture of still life. But as we 
look we observe the figures moving ; and beautiful upon the 
wooded mountains and in the green valleys of a new world, 
in crowded mart, and among the cottages of the poor, are 
the feet of these Evangelists as they pass in quick succes 
sion like the forms of some shifting panoramic scene. And 
we should not be surprised to meet with grotesque shapes too, 
in this rare old picture of religious life a hundred years ago 
in the wilds of Pennsylvania, forms of cowled monk and 
hooded nun by the side of Moravian peasant and scholar 
and unmitered Bishop and untitled Count. For hither 
thousands had come from an old world, bringing with 
them the remembrance of ancient things, which sprang up 
anew into life or were recast in fantastic moulds in the 
seclusion and solitude of their woodland homes. 

And simple as these annals are, we should not forget that 
they are the annals of those lowly ones of the earth, who, 
with others of like spirit, reared a fabric of Missions, whose 
pillars are planted in the four quarters of the earth, and 
under whose dome are gathered together worshipers of the 
true God out of many nations and kindreds and tribes and 



Recording the movements of the Brethren, and events of interest that 
occurred in the interval between September of 1734 and July of 

(Extracted chiefly from George Neisser 1 s Compilation, a MS. in the 
Archives at Bethlehem.} 


September 22. George Bohnisch, Christopher Baus, and 
Christopher Wiegner arrived at Philadelphia on the "St. 
Andrew,"* Captain Stedman. 


March 22. Spangenberg, Anton Seyffert, John Tolt- 
schig, Gottfried Haberecht, Gotthard Demuth, Peter Rosa, 
Michael and George Haberland, Frederic Riedel, and 
George Waschke arrived off Savannah, on the Two 
Brothers," Captain Thompson. f 

* This vessel brought the Schwenkfelders, whom Zinzendorf had 
received at Berthelsdorf, on their banishment from Silesia. Bohnisch 
accompanied them to Pennsylvania, at their request, and during his 
stay among them resided at Wiegner s. He returned to Europe in 
1737. See " Erlauterung fur Herrn Caspar Schivenckfeld" (jBreslau, 
1771), for a narrative of the voyage. 

f Riedel, from Sehlen, Moravia, deceased at Savannah in September 
of 1735. His widow married Peter Rosa. 

Waschke, from Kunewalde, Moravia, left Georgia for Pennsylvania 



July. John Francis Regnier* arrived in Savannah. 

in February of 1737. Settled in Germantown. His wife deceased at 
the "Falls of Schuylkill" in 1766, and was buried in " Levering s 
Graveyard." In 1779 he was still living at Germantown, totally blind. 
Some of his descendants moved to Baltimore. 

Haberecht, from Peila, Silesia, left Georgia in April of 1737. Set 
tled in Germantown. Entered the convent of the Seventh-day Baptists 
at Ephrata, on the Cocalico. Resumed connection with the Brethren 
in 1742. Returned to Europe with Zinzendorf. Missionated among 
the Christian slaves in Algiers ? 

Demuth, from Radelsdorf, Bohemia, left Georgia in June of 1737. 
Settled in Germantown. Deceased there in December of 1744. His 
widow married David Tanneberger, of Bethlehem, and deceased in 
1774. John Christopher, a son, born in 1738, deceased at Lancaster 
in 1818. 

G. Haberland, from Schonau, Moravia, deceased at Savannah in 

Toltschig, from Zauchtenthal, Moravia, sailed for Europe in the 
spring of 1738. 

Rosa, from Bohemia, left for Pennsylvania in November of 1739, 
with his wife and infant daughter, Maria. Settled in Germantown. 
Deceased there in March of 1740. His widow married John M. 
Huber, of Bethlehem, and deceased there 1798. A portrait of her is 
in the " Archives." 

M. Haberland, from Schonau, sailed for Europe in February of 

* Regnier immigrated from Switzerland to Pennsylvania in 1728. 
Joined the Seventh-day Baptists, on the Cocalico. Thence went to 
Georgia. In 1738 sailed for Europe, attached himself to the Brethren 
at Herrnhaag, and was sent by them to Surinam. (See his Report of 
November, 1740, Budingische Sammlung, Part viii. No. 3.) In 1743 
returned to Pennsylvania. Of him the chronicler of Ephrata writes : 
" Endlich hat er, mit blosem Haupt und Fiiszen, eine Reise von 600 
Meilen zu Fusz durch die grosse Wiiste gethan nach Georgien, und sich 
daselbst zu den Mahrischen Brudern gesellet. Endlich hat er in aus- 
wartigen Landen sein unruhiges Leben geendet. Gott seye ihm gnadig 
am Tag des Urtheils!" Regnier was the author of a defamatory pam 
phlet aimed at the Brethren. 



February 16. David Nitschmann, Episc., Christian 
Adolph von Hermsdorf, Henry Rascher, Andrew and 
Anna Dober, David and Rosina Zeisberger, David and 
John Tanneberger, David Jag, Augustine and George 
Neisser, John Michael Meyer, Rosina Haberecht, John 
Martin Mack, Matthias Seybold, Jacob Frank, Judith 
Toltschig, Gottlieb and Regina Demuth, Catharine Rie- 
del, Anna Waschke, Juliana Jaschke, John Bohner, and 
Matthias Bohnisch arrived off Savannah on the " Si- 
monds," Captain Cornish.* 

* Frank, from Wirtemberg, deceased at Savannah in March of 

I73 6 - 

Rascher, from Upper Lusatia, Rosina Haberecht, from Silesia, and 
Matthias Bohnisch, from Kunewalde, deceased at Savannah in the 
same year. 

Andrew and Anna Dober, from Monchsroth, Franck, and von 
Hermsdorf, from Upper Lusatia, returned to Europe in 1737. 

Juliana Jaschke, from Moravia, married George Waschke, and left 
for Pennsylvania with him and his mother, Anna Waschke, in Feb 
ruary of 1737. The latter deceased at "the Bethel," near German- 
town, at an advanced age. 

David and John Tanneberger, from Zauchtenthal, left for Pennsyl 
vania in June of 1737. Settled in Germantown. Removed to Beth 
lehem in 1742. David deceased there in 1760. John, his son, 
deceased in Philadelphia in I77&- 

Demuth, from Radelsdorf, left for Pennsylvania in June of 1737. 
Settled in Matetsche. Removed to Bethlehem in 1742. Deceased at 
Schoneck, Pa., in 1776. 

Regina Demuth left with her husband, Gotthard, in June of 1737. 

David Jag, from Zauchtenthal, and Michael Meyer, from Silesia, 
left for Pennsylvania in 1737. Jag settled in Goshenhoppen, and Meyer 
in Macungy. 

Augustine Neisser, from Sehlen, left for Pennsylvania in September 
of 1737. Settled in Germantown. A cutler and clock-maker. In 1770 


April. Early in the month Spangenberg arrived at New 
York, and proceeded to enter upon his labors among the 
Schwenkfelders, who were settled along the Skippack, in 
Worcester and Towamensing Townships, Philadelphia 
County. He made his home here at the house of Christo 
pher Wiegner.* David Nitschmann followed him from 

married Catharine Reisinger. Had three sons, George Henry, born 
in 1771, Augustine, born in 1774, and Jacob, born in 1777. 

Seybold, from Wirtemberg, left for Pennsylvania in November of 
1739. Lived among the Schwenkfelders, and worked for Wiegner 
until Bohler s arrival, in April of 1740. Returned to Europe, and 
deceased in 1787. 

Judith Toltschig, from Schonau, returned to Europe with her 
brother, Michael Haherland, in February of 1740. 

General Oglethorpe and John and Charles Wesley were on board 
the Simonds. 

* The " Wiegner Farm" lies two miles south of Kulpsville, and 
about eight southwest of the Hatfield Station, on the North Pennsyl 
vania Railroad, in Montgomery County. It is now in possession of Mr. 
George Anders. The farm-house is no longer standing. It was inter 
esting as having been the home of the first Moravians in Pennsylvania, 
and also as the head-quarters of The Associated Brethren of Skippack," 
who met there for the worship of God and for religious edification. 
Among these old worthies were Henry Frey, John Kooken, George 
Merkel, Christian Weber, John Bonn, Jacob Wenzen, Jost Schmidt, 
William Bossen, and Jost Becker, of Skippack ; Henry Antes, Wil 
liam Frey, George Stiefel, Henry Holstein, and Andrew Frey, of 
Frederic Township ; Matthias Gmelen and Abraham Wagner, of Ma- 
tetsche; John Bertolet, Francis Ritter, and William Pott, of Oley; 
John Bechtel, John Adam Gruber, Blasuis Mackinet, and George Ben- 
zel, of Germantown. Edmund B. Bensell, the meritorious artist, is his 
only descendant resident in Germantown. 

f His brief sojourn in Pennsylvania, in the spring of 1736, was 
spent by Bishop Nitschmann in ascertaining the religious condition of 
its German population. With this object, he traveled through the 
rural districts, and was thus brought into contact with representatives 


June. David Nitschmann sailed from New York on his 
return to Europe. 

August. Toward the close of the month Spangenberg 
sailed for St. Thomas, as he had been deputed by Nitsch 
mann to hold a visitation. 

November. Spangenberg returned from St. Thomas. 


February. In this month George Neisser arrived at 
Wiegner s. He had been dispatched by the Brethren in 
Georgia to report their distress to Spangenberg, and to 
urge him to repair to London and lay their grievances be 
fore the "Trustees for the Colony of Georgia." 

May. Spangenberg sailed for Georgia to counsel with 
the Brethren. 

of the numerous sects who were distracting the Christianity that had 
been transplanted into the wilds of this part of the new world. 
Accompanied by Spangenberg, he visited the Seventh-day Baptists 
also. " Urn dieselbe Zeit," writes the chronicler of Ephrata, " sind 
die ersten Mahrischen Briider in Pensilvanien angekommen, nehm- 
lich Spangenberg und Nitschmann, welche drei einsame Briider als- 
bald in Schippach bei einer Familie, Wiegner genannt, besuchten. 
Bald bei dem ersten Anblick bemerkte man zu beyden Theilen einen 
magnetischen Anzug der Geister; denn man war zu beyden Seiten noch 
in der ersten Liebe. Darum nahmen sie sich auch vor mit gedachten 
Einsamen zu reisen und im Lager einen Besuch abzustatten, welcher 
auch sehr gesegnet ist ausgefiihrt worden. Bey dem Abreisen gaben 
ihnen die Briider ein Stuck Wegs das Geleit, schlossen einen Kreis 
und nachdeme sie Gott durch ein Lied gelobet hatten, herzten sie ein- 
ander unter Empfehlung der Gnade Gottes."CArontcon Ephratense, 
enthaltend den Lebenslanf des ehrwurdigen Vaters in Christo, Fried- 
sam Gottrecht iveyland Stiffters und Vorstehers des geistlichen Ordens 
der Einsame in Ephrata in der Grafschaft Lancaster in Pensilva 
nien. Zusammengezogen von Briider Lantech und Agrippa. Ephrata, 


August. David Zeisberger, Jr. , and John Michael Schober 
arrived in Georgia.* 

September. Spangenberg returned to Pennsylvania. 


October 15. Peter Bohler and George Schuliusf arrived 
at Savannah. Bohler had been appointed minister to the 
Brethren in that town, and was also commissioned, with 
Schulius, to missionate among the negroes on the planta 
tions between Savannah and Charleston. 


August. In this month Spangenberg closed his labors 
among the Schwenkfelders and sailed for Europe. 


April. On the i3th of the month Peter Bohler, Anton 
Seyffert, Martin Mack, John Bohner, David and Rosina 
Zeisberger, David Zeisberger, Jr., Hannah Hummel, J and 
Benjamin Sommers and James - - (indentured boys), 
sailed from Savannah on "the Savannah," Whitefield s 
sloop, for Philadelphia. They landed on the 25th. 

May. On the 3d, Whitefield "agreed with William Al- 

* Young Zeisberger, subsequently and for forty years of his life a 
missionary to the Indians, was from Zauchtenthal. Schober was from 
Hoffmansdorf, Moravia. Both were mere boys, whom the spirit of 
adventure had brought unbidden to the new world. Samuel L. Sho- 
ber, an eminent merchant of Philadelphia, was one of his descendants. 

f From Moravia. Deceased at Purysburg, Beaufort County, S. C., 
August 4, 1739. 

J From Purysburg. 


len, of Philadelphia, for 5,000 acres of land in the Forks of 
Delaware, for 2,200." 

On the 5th he proposed to Peter Bohler, at Wiegner s,* 
to engage the Brethren who had accompanied him from 
Georgia, to do the carpentering at a house he designed to 
erect on his land for a school for negroes. 

Bohler and Seyffert, with Henry Antes of Falckner 
Swampf as their guide, set out to view the tract, and camped 
on it in the night of the yth. 

On the loth the Brethren, with the approval of the lot, 
accepted Whitefield s proposal. 

On the 1 8th John Hagen, missionary to the Cherokees, 
reached Savannah. 

On the 2 yth the Brethren set out from Germantown for 
Whitefield s tract, which he named Nazareth. 

* " Thursday, May 5. Preached at Skippack, sixteen miles from 
Montgomery, where the Dutch people live. It was seemingly a very 
wilderness part of the country; but there were not less, I believe, than 
2000 hearers. Rode twelve miles, and preached in the evening to 
about 3000 people at a Dutchman s plantation, who seemed to have 
drank deeply into the consolations of the Holy Spirit. We spent the 
evening in a most agreeable manner. I never saw more simplicity ; 
surely that house was a Bethel." Whitefield s Journal, London, 1761. 

" It was surprising to see such a multitude of people gathered to 
gether in such a wilderness country, 30 miles distant from Philadel 
phia. Our brother was exceedingly carried out in his sermon to press 
poor sinners to come to Christ by faith, and claim all their privileges, 
namely, not only righteousness .and peace, but joy in the Holy Ghost; 
and after he had done, our dear friend, Peter Bohler, preached in 
Dutch to those who could not understand our brother in English." 
Journal of a Voyage from Savannah to Philadelphia, by Wm. Seward, 
Gent. London, 1740. 

f Frederic Township, Montgomery Co. So named for Daniel 
Falckner, who settled there about 1700. In 1702 he published his 
" Curieuse Nachricht von Pensilvanien." Frankfurth und Leipzig. 


On the 3oth they arrived there and assembled for wor 
ship under "Bohler s Oak." 

June. Toward the close of the month, the first house at 
Nazareth was completed and occupied. 

July 21. Christian H. Rauch, the Apostle to the Indians, 
arrived at New York. 

August 29. He reached Shecomeco and commenced his 
labors among the Mohicans. 

October. Andrew Eschenbach* arrived at Philadelphia. 

November. Early in the month the second house at Naza 
reth was completed and occupied. 

Toward the close of the month Bohler repaired to Phil 
adelphia to report progress to Whitefield. Since they had 
last met the latter had conceived a dislike of the Brethren 
based on difference of opinion respecting doctrine. Fail 
ing to bring Bohler over to his views at this interview, he 
became irritated, and in the heat of controversy discharged 
the Brethren from his employ. He closed the conference, 
which had been conducted in Latin, with the words, lt Sic 
jubeo ; stet voluntas pro ratione."\ 

December. On the i5th of the month David Nitschmann, 
Episc.,\ David Nitschmann, Sr., Christian Frohlich, Jo- 

* From Naumburg. 

| Whitefield was in Philadelphia between the 1 9th and the 2gth of 
the month. See his Joiirnal. 

J David Nitschmann, born 1696 in Zauchtenthal, immigrated to 
Herrnhut in 1724. In March of 1735 was consecrated a Bishop (the 
first of the Renewed Church of the Brethren) by Bishop Ernst Jablon- 
sky, of Berlin, with the approval of his associate, Bishop Christian 

\ Uncle of the Bishop. Born 1676 in Zauchtenthal, a descendant 
of the old Moravian and Bohemian Brethren. In October of 175 ^ e 
was naturalized at the Supreme Court in Philadelphia, and was thus 
qualified to hold the Brethren s estates in this country. All purchases 


hanna S. Molther, and Anna Nitschmann, arrived at Phila 
delphia and repaired to Nazareth. 

Bohler left on the 27111 for New York, thence to set sail 
for Europe, pursuant to his recall. He was accompanied 
there by David Nitschmann, Episc. They spent the 3ist 
of the month, which was Bohler s twenty-ninth birthday, 
at Christopher Wiegner s. 


January 29. Bohler embarked for Bristol. 

February A,. David Nitschmann, Episc., reached Naza 
reth on his return from New York. The Brethren now 
concluded to purchase a tract of land lying at the conflu 
ence of the Lehigh and Manakasy, which had been offered 
to Bohler by Nathaniel Irish,* of Saucon, an agent for 

Sitkovius, of Lissa, Poland. In 1740 was dispatched to America to 
establish a Brethren s settlement in the Northern English Colonies. 
In virtue of this commission he founded Bethlehem. Much of his life 
was spent in travel, as the visitation of the missions and the discharge 
of episcopal functions in that field of the Church constituted his sphere of 
labor. In his long service he is said to have made fifty voyages. Sub 
sequent to 1761 he resided at Bethlehem. Here he deceased Oct. 8, 
1772. To his end he was a strenuous advocate of the simple ways 
and mode of life that had prevailed among the old Moravian and 
Bohemian Brethren. 

of lands and all contracts were now made by him for the Brethren. 
He deceased April 14, 1758, in the Sad year of his age. There is a 
portrait of him in the " Archives." He is popularly known as the 
founder of Bethlehem. 

* According to Eastburn s map of 1740, Nathaniel Irish was in that 
year settled on 306 acres, at the mouth of" Saucong Creek." Here he 
built a mill, and hither Bohler was wont to come to await the grind 
ing of grist for his Brethren at Nazareth, as it was the nearest market 
for bread. Irish s house stood on the site of Mr. \Vm. Shiner s resi 
dence, in Shimersville. It was removed in 1816. The ruins of the 


William Allen,* for the sale of lands in this part of Bucks 

February 9. David Nitschmann, Episc. , came to Frederic- 
townf to consult with Antes about the projected settle 

March. In the beginning of the month the Brethren at 
Nazareth received a visit from a company of Seventh-day 
Baptists from Ephrata,J who expressed admiration at the 

mill are yet to be seen on the premises of Mr. Jno. Knecht, of that place. 
It was demolished in 1812, and a part of the stone worked up into the 
mill at present owned by Mr. Knecht. About a mile southwest of 
Shimersville, near Mr. Isaac Pearson s farm-house, in the forks of the 
Hellertown road, was Irish s stone-quarry, which, in 1740, was the 
terminus of the high road from Philadelphia into the northern part of" 

* A large dealer in lands purchased of the Proprietaries. This tract 
was a part of 5000 acres he had bought of Joseph Turner in 1736. In 
1 741 was Recorder of the City of Philadelphia. Chief Justice of Penn 
sylvania before the Revolution, and died 1780, a refugee Loyalist in 

f George Neisser was at this time working in wood for Mr. Antes, 
who was a millwright by trade. 

\ Followers of John Conrad Beissel. In 1719 Peter Becker immi 
grated to Pennsylvania with a company of Schwarzenau Baptists. In 
1720, Conrad Beissel, one of this sect, followed and settled in German- 
town. Hence he removed, in 1721, with Jacob Stuntz and George 
Stiefel, to Conestoga, and built a house on Mill Creek, a stream that 
heads near Adamstown, and eight miles below falls into the Conestoga, 
forming the dividing line between East Cocalico and Brecknock Town 
ships, in Lancaster County. He was now fully possessed of the idea 
to found a sect. His asceticism, however, deprived him of his followers. 
Of Stiefel, the Chronicle of Ephrata states : " Er hat sein Leben in 
Bethlehem geendet. Gott gebe ihm Barmherzigkeit am Tage dcs 
Gerichts /" Beissel now built at Swedes Spring. In 1724 he was 
joined hy Michael Wohlfarth, and in the same year baptized in the 
Pequea. In 1729 his followers seceded from the Baptists, and as 
Beissel had enjoined upon them the observance of the Seventh day, 


industry and contentment of the former in their indigent 
circumstances. The first house* built on the Allen tract. 

and they practiced adult baptism, they were named accordingly. In 
1732 he settled at Ephrata, eighteen miles from Lancaster, on the 
Cocalico. Here there were large houses built for the society, first 
Kedar, for the Sisters, and then Zion, for the Brethren, the latter 
having lived as eremites in huts until the completion of the monastery 
in 1738. These old-time buildings still haunt the green meadow on 
the Cocalico like the specters of strange things that belonged to another 
age. Beissel s followers were rigid ascetics, abstaining from many of 
the common enjoyments, and comforts of life, and resembling in dress 
also some of the monastic orders of the old world. The men were 
tonsured, wore a tunic that reached to the feet, and an outer garment, 
furnished with apron and Capuchin cowl, and a veil that hung low 
down over the shoulders. A girdle controlled this flowing attire. 
The females were similarly habited. Both cultivated music, in which 
art Beissel was a proficient. Many of the Sisters were engaged in illu 
minating manuscripts or in embroidering. At an early day the society 
had a printing-press. Beissel deceased July 6, 1768, aged seventy- 
seven years. His followers are extinct, if old Barbara no longer lives. 

* The following extracts throw light on the time when and on the 
circumstances under which the settlement on the "Allen Tract" was 
made : 

" After a passage of nine weeks from Portsmouth," writes David 
Nitschmann, Sr., in his Autobiography, "we landed at Philadelphia, 
and joined the Brethren who had preceded us to America at Nazareth. 
There we passed the winter, and in the spring of 1741 we went out 
into the forest and began to build Bethlehem." His biographer adds, 
" It was in the spring of 1741 that our deceased Bro., Father Nitsch 
mann, David Nitschmann, Episc., Anton Seyffert, Martin Mack, Mat 
thias Seybold, David and Anna Zeisberger, and David Zeisberger, Jr., 
began the settlement on the Allen Tract. The weather was severe, 
and they often stood leg-deep in the snow while felling timber." 

Mack writes in his Autobiography, " In the spring of 1741 I assisted 
in locating the settlement in the Allen Tract, and in felling the 
first tree." It is not improbable, and the inference is deducible 
from remarks that occur in Neisser s compilation, that the Brethren 
began to fell trees on the Bethlehem tract immediately on Bishop 


March 12. David Zeisberger, Sr., came to Frederictown 
to consult with Antes about the settlement. 

April 2. The purchase of the tract of 500 acres, which 
had been offered by Nathaniel Irish, was concluded at 
Philadelphia between William Allen and Henry Antes, for 
the Brethren. 

April 4. Anna Nitschmann and Sr-. Molther came to 

April 9. (Good Friday, O. S.) Eschenbach came to 
celebrate Easter with our friends. 

April 1 1 . The three set out for Oley. 

May 15. Eschenbach returned and had a conversation 
with George Neisser, respecting the latter s settling in the 
Forks of Delaware. 

May 20. Eschenbach set out for Wiegner s. 

May 27. Antes left for the Forks to assist the Brethren. 
He went by way of Wiegner s to celebrate Whitsuntide 

June 25. David Nitschmann, Episc., arrived. 

June 27. He set out for the Forks, accompanied by 
George Neisser. They reached them in the evening. 

The Brethren had by this time removed from Nazareth, 
and were living together as a family in a small house they 
had built hurriedly in the spring. It was now time to pro 
ceed to the erection of a more commodious dwelling. 

Nitschmann s return from New York in February. It was then that 
they finally dismissed projects they had entertained of purchasing 
elsewhere in the Forks, or in Skippack, Oley, Conestoga, or on the 
Susquehanna, and they certainly lost no time in removing from 
the Whitefield tract, on which their stay had been prolonged only by 
permission of Mr. Irish. The first house was removed in 1823. It 
stood on Rubel s Alley, in the rear of the " Eagle Hotel," was built 
of hewn logs, was of one story, and had a peaked gable and far-pro- 
jecting roof. Its dimensions were forty by twenty feet. 


June 28. They accordingly commenced squaring the 
timber that had been felled in the course of the winter. 

The following were the members of the household at 
this date. Nitschmann, JSpisc., Seyffert, Nitschmann, Sr., 
Mack, Seybold, Bohner, G. Neisser, David and Anna 
Zeisberger, David Zeisberger, Jr., Frohlich, Hannah 

Hummel, Sommers,* and James . Eschenbach, 

Anna Nitschmann, and Sr. Molther were occasional 

July 2. Rauch arrived from Shecomeco. 

July 8. The Brethren celebrated Lord s Supper. 

July 9. Rauch preached from /. Peter t i. 18, 19. In 
the afternoon Augustine Neisser came from Germantown to 
visit us. 

July 10. Eschenbach and Rauch set out for Wiegner s. 

July 12. Anna Nitschmann, f accompanied by David 
Zeisberger, Sr., set out to visit at Ephrata. 

July 15. Gotthard Demuth and David Tanneberger 
came on a visit from Germantown. 

July 17. They left for home. 

July 1 8." Eschenbach and Rauch returned from their 
visit to our friends in Skippack, Germantown, and Phila 

July 21. Anna Nitschmann and Zeisberger, Sr., returned 
from Ephrata. They had visited John Zimmermann in Con- 
estoga Swamp. He is the head of a sect that holds its prin 
cipal meeting at the time of new moon, and hence he and 
his followers are called "NEW MOONERS." 

* In August of 1745, Benjamin Sommers was indentured to Joseph 
Graff, blacksmith, in Goshenhoppen. 

f " Eine ihrer vornehmen ledigen Schwestern hat sich drei Tage im 
Schwesternhaus aufgehalten." Chronicon Ephratense. 



July 22. The Brethren in the Forks held "Gemeintag."* 

Aug. i. Eschenbach, Sr. Molther, and George Stiefel 

Aug. 5. Stiefel returned to Frederictown. The Breth 
ren celebrated Lord s Supper. 

Aug. 9. Ranch and Nitschmann, Episc., set out for She- 

Aug. 13. Anna Nitschmann, Sr. Molther, and Zeisberger, 
Sr., went to Skippack. 

Aug. 1 8. They returned with letters from Hagen. 

Aug. 19. We built a foot-bridge across the Manakasy, 
and then held " Gemeintag" 

Aug. 22. Our friends Abraham Dubois, from the Great 
Swamp, and Henry Holstein and Andrew Frey, from Falck- 
ner Swamp, or Frederictown, paid us a visit. They were 
deeply impressed, and expressed themselves much edified 
by the simplicity of Sr. Anna Zeisberger. 

Aug. 23. They left for home. 

Aug. 25. Antes, Wiegner, and Adam Schaus,f and Wil 
liam Pott,J from Oley, arrived. 

Aug. 26. Schaus, Holstein, and Pott left. 

Aug. 28. Wiegner left. We had been enabled to pro- 

* " Congregation or Church-day." A day set apart for prayer and 
intercession for the welfare of the church, of her congregations, and of 
her missions in all parts of the world. 

f Secretary for the Synod that met in Falckner Swamp. Removed 
to Bethlehem. Miller at the old mill built there in 1743. The pres 
ent name of the family is Shouse. 

\ " William Pott immigrated to Pennsylvania with the Schwenkfelders 
in the autumn of 1734. Settled first in Germantown and then in Oley, 
Berks Co. John, a son, was one of the pioneers of Schuylkill County; 
in 1806 settled north of Sharp "Mountain, and erected Greenwood 
Forge. Pottsville is named for him." Rupp s History of Schuylkill 


vide bountifully for our late visitors, having taken a num 
ber of rock-fish in the Lehigh. 

Sept. 2. We celebrated Lord s Supper. 

Sept. 10. David Nitschmann, Episc., returned from his 
visit to New York and Shecomeco. 

Sept. 13. He set out for Skippack. On the road he 
met Gottfried Haberecht who had joined the Baptists at 
Ephrata.* Haberecht appeared depressed, and was desirous 
of seeing the Brethren. 

Sept. 15. Nitschmann, Episc., returned in company with 
John Stephen Benezet. t From them we learned of the 
purchase of the "Whitefield Tract. "J They also brought 
letters from Europe. 

* " Eine Zeitlang hernach hat sich einer Nahmens Haberecht der 
von den Mahrischen Briidern abstammte bei dem Vorsteher um die 
Taufe angemeldet, welcher ihm auch hat darinnen willfahret. Darauf 
ist er in das Convent Zion eingezogen, aber dabey hat er sich viele 
Versuchungen zugezogen. Als aber Anna Nitschmannin einen Besuch 
im Lager abstattete, hat sie ihn wieder an ihre Gemeinschaft iiberge- 
bracht, und da verstund man erst warum der Vorsteher ihn auf den 
Glauben seiner Gemeinschaft getaufft hat. Er ist mit ihnen wieder 
nach Deutschland gereist, und hat hernach ihren Arbeitern in Algier 
gedienet, von da ist er wieder nach Pensilvanien gereist, und hat sein 
Leben in ihrer Anstalt geendat. Gott gebe ihm eine selige Auferste- 
hung r Chronicon Ephratense. 

y John Stephen Benezet, born in Abbeville, France, in 1683, was of 
a wealthy and noble Huguenot family which fled to Holland and 
thence to England in 1715, after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. 
In London the family became attached to the Friends. Immigrated 
to Pennsylvania in 1731. On his arrival in Philadelphia, Count Zin- 
zendorf was the guest of Mr. Benezet, who resided on Second Street. 

Between the latter and the Brethren there long existed friendly re 
lations. Three of Mr. Benezet s daughters were married to Moravians 
at Bethlehem, who have numerous descendants resident there. 

J Purchased a few months previous of Whitefield, in England, by 


Sept. 1 6. Held Prayer-day. Benezet joined us. We felt 
the presence of the Lord in our midst most sensibly. The 
letters from Europe were communicated at our meeting. 

Sept. 17. Benezet set out for home by way of the Great 

Sept. 22. Eschenbach arrived from Tulpehocken and 

Sept. 19-27. In this interval we dug the cellar of the large 

Sept. 24. Gotthard Demuth, who had been working for 
us during the summer, returned from a visit to his family 
in Matetsche and resumed work. 

Sept. 26. Gottfried Haberecht and Augustine Neisser ar 
rived. The former had met with ill treatment at Ephrata 
and came here for refuge. 

Sept. 28. Thursday. The "Daily Words"* were Ezekiel, 
xliii. 7. Early in the morning \ve proceeded to lay the 
first stone for the foundation of the large house. David 
Nitschmann, Episc., and Andrew Eschenbach opened the 
ceremonies with fervent prayer. A tin box containing an 
inscription and the names of the spectators written on 
parchment, was cemented into the stone, which we laid in 
the southeast corner, f 

* A collection of texts of Scripture, arranged so as to afford a subject 
of meditation for each day of the year. It was entitled " Tdglichen 
Loosungen, welcher sick die Verbundenen Briider in alien Welttheilen 
aufs Jahr 1742 bedienen, iind die Gemeinschaft des Geistes dadtirch 

f The dimensions of this house were forty-five by thirty feet. It 
was of two stories, built of hewn logs and chinked with clay and 
straw. Originally the angles of its peaked roof were truncated at 
the gables, as may be seen in an old drawing of it, called " Das Hatis 
an der Lecha" Two apartments on the second floor at the west 
end were hurriedly completed for Count Zinzendorf, in December of 
1741. The building was occupied in the summer of 1742. An addition 


September 29. Augustine Neisser returned to German- 
town. Gottfried Haberecht remained in the Forks. 

October 10. Michael Schaefer, from Tulpehocken, came 
to visit us. 

October 12. As Gottfried Haberecht had withdrawn from 
the Baptists, at Ephrata, and had concluded to remain in 
the Forks, David Nitschmann, Episc., wrote them respect 
ing his decision, and dispatched John Bohner to Ephrata 
with a letter. 

October 17. Anna Nitschmann and Sr. Molther returned 
from their protracted visit in Skippack. Christian Weber,* 
carpenter, came with them. 

October 21. Christopher Baus, a member of " Wiegner s 
Economy," in Skippack, came to visit us. 

October 22. John Stephen Benezet, an estimable man, 
and a warm friend of ours, arrived, and brought with him 
Captain Wallace, of Philadelphia. The latter proposed to 
engage Christian Frohlich to superintend his sugar-refinery. 
The Brethren took the proposal into consideration. 

October 25. Baus returned home. 

October 26. The Brethren Gottlieb Buttner, John C. Pyr- 
laeus, and J. William Zander arrived from the Congrega 
tion in Europe, to our great joy. 

October 28. We celebrated Lord s Supper. 

November 14. Eschenbach and Frohlich set out for Phil 
adelphia, the latter in response to the proposal made on 
the 22d ult. 

to the east end, built soon after, lengthened the front to ninety-three 
feet. The house has long been known as the "Gemein Haus" and 
was in part the residence of ministers and missionaries of the church 
for many years. It stands on the northeast corner of Church Street and 
Cedar Alley. 

* Married a daughter of John Bechtel, of Germantown. Descend 
ants are residing in Bethlehem. 



November 17. Anna Nitschmann and Sr. Molther went 
to Germantown. 

November 18. They went to Philadelphia. 

December. On the 2d of the month Count Zinzendorf 
landed at New York. Having remained several days with 
our friends in that city, he set out for Philadelphia on the 
6th and arrived there on the loth inst.* David Nitsch 
mann, Episc., arrived there from the Forks on the same 

The following Brethren and Sisters came with the Count 
from Europe : 

Benigna, his daughter, 

Rosina Nitschmann, wife of David Nitschmann, Episc., 

John Jacob Miiller, the Count s amanuensis, 

Abraham and Judith Meinung, and 

David Bruce. 

John Henry Muller,! printer, w r as a fellow-passenger. 

December 13. Eschenbach reached Philadelphia. 

December 17. Countess Benigna, in company with Sr. 
Molther, left Philadelphia to visit her acquaintances from 
Herrnhut residing in Germantown. 

* Previous to the Count s arrival, Christian Frohlich had rented a 
house of three stories, on Second, near the northeast corner of Race 
Street, for him and his company. 

| John Henry Miiller (Miller) was born in Rheden, in Waldeck, 
in 1702. In boyhood he removed with his parents to Basel, and there 
was apprenticed to a printer. Worked at his trade as journeyman in 
Zurich, Leipsic, Altona, London, and Amsterdam. While in America 
the first time he worked in Franklin s printing-office. Returned to Eu 
rope in 1742, and there married. Managed a printing-office for the 
Brethren, to whom he became attached, in Marienborn,near Frankfort - 
on-the-Main. Returned to America in 1751, and established himself in 
business. Again went abroad, and returned to Philadelphia in 1760 
with new press and type. In 1780 he sold out and removed to Beth 
lehem. Deceased March, 1782. 


December 18. In the evening of this day the Count and 
his company arrived at Germantown.* 

December 19. They set out for Wiegner s. 

December 20. They left Wiegner s and rode as far as 
Henry Antes . 

December 21. In the evening they arrived in the Forks. 

December 24. (Sunday.} We celebrated Lord s Supper 
and held the Festival of Christmas-eve. The Brethren s 
settlement in the Forks received the name of Bethlehem on 
this day.f 

December 25. The Count and his company set out for 
Oley and Conestoga. In Oley he preached at the house of 
Jean Bertolet,J from Acts, xvi. 14. 

* Here he lodged with John Bechlel, a Palatine from Franckenthal, 
and a man much esteemed by his countrymen of the Reformed Church. 
His daughter Margaret, who in 1742 married the missionary Biitt- 
ner, relates, in her autobiography, that the Count, on his arrival in 
Philadelphia, had requested her father, by letter, to meet him there 
without delay. Fearful of incurring the displeasure of such of his 
friends as had been prejudiced against the Count, Mr. Bechtel hesitated 
to comply with the request. " I urged him to go," she continues. " I 
gave him no rest, and as my verbal persuasions were of no avail, I ran 
to the pasture, caught his riding horse, and brought it, bridled and sad 
dled, to the door. This appeal father could not resist, and from regard 
to me he rode to town to see the remarkable man, who impressed me 
deeply when I saw him next day at our house, and indelibly so, when, 
not two weeks afterwards, I heard him, for the first time, proclaim the 
words of eternal life." 

f " The Count arrived in the Forks a few days before Christmas. 
While celebrating the vigils of Christmas-eve in the first house, and 
as we were closing the services (it was already past nine o clock), the 
Count led the way into the stable that adjoined our dwelling and com 
menced singing the hymn that opens with the words, l Nicht Jerusalem, 
sondern Bethlehem, aus dir kommet was mir frommet] and from this 
touching incident the settlement received the name of Bethlehem." 
Martin Mack 1 s Autobiography. 

\ Jean Bertolet, a French Huguenot, from Chastedeaux, immigrated 


December 26. Henry Antes issued a call* for a Synod, or 
Religious Conference, irrespective of denominationalism, 
to convene at Germantown on the i2th of January next. 

December 30. The Count and his company reached Ger 

December 31. (Sunday,"} He preached to a large audience 
in the German Reformed Church, from the words, "And 
without controversy, great is the mystery of godliness" I. 
Tim. iii. i6.f 


January 5. (Friday, Christmas-day, O. S. ) The Count 
preached in the German Reformed Church in German- 

to Pennsylvania in 1726, and settled in Oley. "Als ich in Philadelphia 
zwei Wochen gewesen berufte mich der Heiland in den Busch zu ar- 
beiten, nachdem ich mich lange nach Arbeit gesehnt hatte. Der Ort 
(nehmlich die Gegend) hiesz Oley. Als ich dahin kam logirte ich bey 
einem Mann namens yean Bertolet, dessen seine Frau, welche auch 
eine dergleichen alte Heilige war, machte der Heiland durch seine 
blutige Gnade doch bald zur Siindern, und nahm sie darauf zu sich in 
seine obere Gemein." Coimtcss Benigna to the Congregation abroad. 

* Biidingische Sammlung, Part xii. No. I. 

f This was his first appearance in an American pulpit. The church in 
which he preached had been built in 1733, and stood opposite the mar 
ket-house, on the main street. The Reformed Congregation that wor 
shiped here having not yet been supplied with an ordained minister by 
the mother-church, Mr. John Bechtel had been chosen to act as lector 
and exhorter. 

All of Zinzendorf s discourses held in this country were written 
down from his lips by his amanuensis. His public discourses were 
published abroad with the title Reden von dem Herrn der unsere Selig- 
keit ist, tind iiber die Materie von seiner Marter in Nord-America 
gehalten. Biidn., 1744. 2 vols. Another edition has the title Eine 
Sammlung offentlicher Reden, 1742 in Canada gehalten. 2 Thle. Biidn., 
1744. This collection has been republished, and is one of great in 
terest to the theological student. 


town, from the words, "Justified in the Spirit." I. Tim. 
iii. 16. 

January 7. (Sunday.) He preached from the words, 
"Seen of Angels." I. Tim. iii. 16. 

Immediately after his arrival he prepared for publication 
a small selection of hymns, old and new : it was entitled 
Hirtenlieder von Bethlehem, enthaltend eine kleine Samm- 
lung evangelischer Lieder. 

January 8. George Neisser took this selection to Chris 
topher Sauer s* printing-office in Germantown. 

January 12. In response to Henry Antes call, a Synod 
met in Theobald Enten s house in Germantown. f 

January 14. (Sunday.} Bro. LudwigJ preached in the 
German Reformed Church in that place from the words, 
"Preached unto the Gentiles." I. Tim. iii. 16. 

January 16. Bro. Ludwig went to Skippack. 

January 17. (Epiphany, O. S.*) He preached at Wieg- 

* " Christoph Sauer was the first printer in the country to print the 
German Bible. It passed through three editions following in 1743, 
1762, and 1776. The sheets of the greater part of the last edition in 
Sauer s possession were confiscated in the Revolution, and used in the 
manufacture of cartridges." History of the Moravian Church in Phila 
delphia, by Abraham Ritter. Philadelphia, 1857. 

f This house still stands on the west side of Germantown Avenue, 
near the corner of Queen Street. It is of stone, of two stories, with 
a quaint penthouse overhanging the door and windows of the lower 
floor. The heavy sash, set with small lights, and the solidity of the 
inside wood-work, show that it was built at an early day. Mr. Enten 
was a clockmaker. His descendants, calling themselves Ent, are now 
living in Germantown. 

J The Count, on his arrival in America, thought proper to substitute 
the title of Thiirnstein for that of Zinzendorf. His signature was sim 
ply Thiirnstein. Being not averse to the plain mode of address in 
vogue among the Friends, he was spoken to and of by many as Friend 
Ludwig, or simply Ludwig, and hence his Brethren called him Bro. 


ner s from the Gospel appointed for the day, and afterward 
returned to Philadelphia. 

January 21. (Sunday.} In the forenoon Bro. Ludwig 
preached for the first time to the Lutherans in their place 
of worship,* from the words, "For why will ye die?" 
Ezek. xxx. ii. 

In the afternoon he preached at Germantown in the 
Reformed Church, from the words, "Believed on in the 
world" I. Tim. iii. 16. 

January 22. Bro. Ludwig set out for Falckner Swamp to 
attend the sessions of the Synod that had been appointed 
for the 25th of the month. Rode as far as Skippack. 

January 24. At Martin Kulp s house he had an interview 
with heads of the Mennonites,f and discussed with them 
their doctrine and practice. In the evening he arrived at 
Henry Antes , in Falckner Swamp. 

January 25. The Synod met for the second time, and in 
George Hiibner s house. 

January 27. Bro. Ludwig returned to Germantown. 

January 28. (Sunday. } In the morning he preached 
from John, ii. i-n. 

In the afternoon he preached in the Reformed Church 
in Germantown, from the words. " Received up into glory. " 
/. Tim. iii. 16. 

Soon after his arrival at Philadelphia he had instituted 
meetings for worship in his house (Haus-Versammlung}, 
which were free for all. At these he or the Brethren Pyr- 

* A barn that had been fitted up with a pulpit and with seats, on 
Arch above Fifth Street. It had been rented for worship by the 
German Reformed and Lutherans jointly. 

j- Followers of Menno Simonis, who began to immigrate to Penn 
sylvania in 1683, settling in and about Germantown. In 1709 others 
followed from the Palatinate and settled in Pequea Valley, Lancaster 
County. They are Baptists. 


laeus, Seyffert, Eschenbach, or Biittner, usually delivered 
an address. 

February 4. (Sunday.^) Bro. Ludwig preached in "Bach 
elor s Hall,"* near Philadelphia, from Matt. viii. 1-13, 
with marked effect. 

In the afternoon he preached in the Reformed Church 
in Germantown, from Matt. xxii. 11-14. 

February 18. (Sunday. } In the forenoon Bro. Ludwig 
preached from Matt. xiii. 24-30. 

In the afternoon he preached in Germantown. After 
the service he and his company set out for Oley, and rode 
as far as Farmer s mill,f in White Marsh. 

John Hagen arrived at Philadelphia, by way of the East 
ern Shore, from Georgia. 

February 19. Hagen set out for Oley in company with 
George Neisser. 

* Bachelor s Hall was a building near the present Kensington 
market-house, to which resorted the gay youth of the day for social 

Its fate is shown by the following extract from the MS. diary of 
Christopher Marshall, under date of April 4, 1775 : "Cloudy, windy 
weather, with rain. This morning a fire begun at nine o clock, at 
Bachelor s Hall, which soon consumed that building." 

f In October of 1704, " Edward ffarmer, of White Marsh, was ap 
pointed a Justice of y e County Court of Philadelphia." In May of 1712, 
Governor Gookin " rode out to Edward ffarmer s house to meet the 
Delaware Indians according to appointment, before they set out on 
their journey to the Five Nations." On this occasion "they laid be 
fore him the collection they had made of their tribute to offer to the 
Mingoes, namely, thirty-two belts of wampum of various figures, and 
a long Indian pipe called the calamet, with a stone head, a wooden or 
.cane shaft and feathers fixt to it like wings. This pipe, they said, on 
making their submission to the Five Nations who had subdued them, 
would introduce them as friends and subjects, and they would be well 
received as such." Minutes of Provincial Council. 


February 20. Bro. Ludwig and his company reached Oley. 

February 21 and 22. The Synod met and sat for the 
third time, and in John de Turck s* house. On the second 
day Andrew Eschenbach, Christian H. Rauch, Gottlob 
Biittner, and John Christopher Pyrlaeus were ordained to 
the ministry by David Nitschmann, Fpisc., Bro. Ludwig, 
Episc. emerilo, and Anton Seyffert. Three Indians from 
Shecomeco were baptized into the death of Jesus by Bro. 
Rauch, and Bro. Hagen was solemnly set apart as a mis 
sionary. It was here resolved to abandon the attempt to 
colonize in Georgia. 

Bro. Ludwig set out the same day for Tulpehocken. 

While in Tulpehocken he preached to the Lutheran ad 
herents of the late Caspar Leutbecker,f in the old log- 
church. On the same day he had an interview with One- 
simus, Father of Zion in Ephrata.J 

He returned to Oley, and thence set out for Germantown 
by way of New Hanover, Frederic, and Skippack. In New 
Hanover he preached, and also at Henry Holstein s. 

March 2. He arrived at Germantown. 

March 5. The " Hirtenlieder von Bethlehem" came from 
Sauer s press; a duodecimo of 95 pp., containing 369 

March 6. Fifty copies were sent to Philadelphia and 
fifty to Frederic, for distribution in the townships. 

March n. (Sunday Esto Mihi.~) Bro. Ludwig preached 
in Philadelphia, from the Gospel for the day. 

* A son of Isaac de Turck, a French Huguenot, or Walloon, who 
had immigrated to New York in the reign of Queen Anne, and settled 
in Sopus. Thence the family removed to Oley, in 1712. 

j- See ll Nachrichten von den Evangelisch Lutherischen Gemeinen 
in Nord-America" vol. i. p. 250. 

J See "Acts of the Synod of 1742," page 50, for the substance of this 


In the afternoon he preached from /. Cor. xiii. 1-13. 

At this time he began to revise the Eleventh Supplement 
to the Collection of German Hymns, adapting its contents 
for general use.* He also compiled a Catechism entitled 
Kurzer Catechismus fur etliche Gemeinen aus der refor- 
mirten Religion ."f 

March 15. Bro. Ludwig s household (f Die Pilger Fami- 
lie") held love-feast. 

March 16. Eschenbach and Rosina Nitschmann arrived 
at Philadelphia from Oley, and David Nitschmann, Episc., 
arrived there from Bethlehem. 

On this day Bro. Ludwig and his household removed to 
Germantown, and occupied a house rented of Mr. Ash- 
mead,^ near the German Reformed Church. Social wor 
ship held here in the evening was conducted in the English 

March 18. (Sunday.} In the forenoon Bro. Ludwig 
preached in Philadelphia ii<yn\Matt. iv. i-n. In the after 
noon he preached in Germantown from /. Cor. ix. 18. 

March 19. The rite of baptism was administered by 
Bro. Ludwig, in Germantown, to Hermann Bonn and to 
Anna Mary, his sister, of Skippack, aged respectively 
twenty-two and twenty-eight. A large number of specta 
tors were present, and the occasion was deeply impressive. 

March 20. The Deputies to the Synod arrived in Ger 

March 21. The Synod met for the fourth time, and in 
Mr. Ashmead s house. 

March 25. (Sunday.) Bro. Ludwig organized a congre- 

* This revision was completed in Wyoming Valley in October. 

} Printed in English type, in Franklin s office. Duodecimo. 42 pp. 
Sauer had refused to print it. 

J Near the Market-house, and almost opposite the German Reformed 
Church. The house is still standing. 


gation in Germantown, and preached in the Reformed 
Church, from Ps. Ixix. 21. 

March 26. Eschenbach, Benigna, and Abraham and 
Judith Meinung went to Oley. David Nitschmann, Episc., 
and Haberecht set out for Bethlehem. 

March 29. Bro. Ludwig set out for Oley, by way of 
Skippack, where he preached in the Mennonite meeting 

March 30. He organized a congregation in Falckner 

March 31. He organized a congregation in Oley, and 

April i. (Sunday.} He preached on the Manatawny to 
an audience of Lutherans and Reformed, from the w r ords, 
" Christ is all and in all. 

April 3. Bro. Ludwig returned to Germantown. 

April 6. He went to Philadelphia. 

April 7. He wrote a letter to Conrad Beissel in Eph- 

April 8. (Sunday. } In the forenoon he preached in 
Philadelphia, from John, vi. 1-14. 

In the afternoon he preached in Germantown, from Ps. 
cxxi. 3. 

April 12. Bro. Ludwig united Matthias Seybold, of 
Bethlehem, and Anna Mary Bonn, of Skippack, in wed- 

* Biidingische Sammlttng, Part xv. No. 15. On his last rural circuit, 
made toward the close of the year, the Count called at Ephrata. The 
Prior informed Beissel of the arrival of the distinguished visitor. 
" Der seye ihm kein Wunder" answered Beissel; " wenn er ihm 
aber ein Wunder seye, musse er zu ihm kommen." A few weeks pre 
vious Beissel had written him a letter (Budingische Sammlung, Part 
xiii. No. 17), in which he subscribes himself, Friedsam Fr. sonsten 
genannt Conrad Beissel, dermalen ein Fremdling und Pilgrim auf 
dieser Welt. 


lock, in the German Reformed Church. After the cere 
mony, there was a wedding-feast in Bro. Lud wig s house. 

April T. ]. As none but parents who were Brethren or 
persons attached to the Brethren had responded to a cir 
cular that had been issued on the ist inst., relative to 
opening a school in Germantown, it was resolved to com 
mence one on the model of the Brethren s schools in 

April 1 8. The Synod met for the fifth time, and in the 
Reformed Church in Germantown. 

April 20. George and Maria Elizabeth Weber and Gott 
lieb Israel, missionaries, arrived from St. Thomas. 

April 21. George Neisser set out for Tulpehocken, to 
preach on the coming Sunday, in Biittner s absence. 

April 22. (Palm Sunday.) In the forenoon Bro. Lud- 
wig preached in Philadelphia, from Matt. xxi. 1-9. 

In the afternoon he held catechisation. 

April 23. David Nitschmann, Episc., took leave of the 
Brethren and set out for New York, thence to sail for St. 

April 26. Biittner returned to Tulpehocken. 

April 29. {Easter Sunday.} Bro. Lud wig preached in 
Germantown, from John, xx. 24, et seq. 

We held love-feast in his house. 

May 4. The proposed school was opened in Bro. Lud- 
wig s house with twenty-five girls. The Brethren Seyffert, 
Zander, and George Neisser, and the Sisters Benigna, 
Magdalene Miiller, and Anna Dismann, were employed in 
the Institution.* 

May 1 6. The Synod met for the sixth time, and in 
Lorenz Schweitzer s house in Germantown. 

* " Nun hat mich das Lamm auf einen Posten gefiihret. Ich habe 
eine Kinderanstalt von 25 Magdchen und da habe ich mich willig 
dazu aufgeopfert." Cottntess Benigna to the Congregation abroad. 


May 20. (Sunday.} In the forenoon Bro. Ludwig 
preached in Philadelphia, from John, xvi. 16-23. 

May 23. David Nitschmann, Sr., who had for several 
weeks been a member of Bro. Ludwig s household, returned 
to Bethlehem. He was accompanied thither by Rosina 
Nitschmann and David Bruce. 

May 24. Rauch and Mohican John arrived in German- 
town from Shecomeco. 

May 26. Bro. Ludwig made a formal renunciation of 
his rank and title as Count of Zinzendorf, before Governor 
Thomas, members of the Provincial Council, and clergy 
men and gentlemen of Philadelphia, in the Governor s 

* This act on the part of the Count excited much remark and specu 
lation at the time. Logan writes : " About this time he framed an in 
strument of resignation of all his honors and dignities to some relative. 
This was done in Latin. He desired me to put it into English, but as 
I could not, he had it printed as it was, and invited Governor Thomas 
and all who understood Latin to meet him. Several met, when he 
read off the instrument, having given each of them a printed copy ; 
but after all he withdrew his papers and himself too, saying, on reflec 
tion, he must first advise with some of his friends in Germany." 

The meeting was in the Governor s house, and the following persons 
were present : 

Doctor Thomas Graeme, one of the Provincial Judges. 

William Allen, Recorder of the city. 

Tench Francis, Attorney-General. 

James Hamilton, a Justice of the Peace, and Prothonotary of the 
Court of Common Pleas. Governor between Nov. 1748 and Oct. 1754. 

Thomas Lawrence, one of the Governor s Council, and a Justice of 
the Peace. 

Doctor Patrick Bard, the Governor s Secretary. 

William Peters, Esq. 

James Read, Esq. 

Rev. Mr. Eneas Ross, Minister of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

Rev Jno. C. Pyrlaeus. 

Mr. Benezet, merchant. 

Mr. Jo. Sober, merchant. 


May 27. (Sunday.} He preached in Philadelphia, from 
John, xvi. 5-15. 

May 30. Intelligence came of the arrival at New London 
of a colony* of Brethren from Europe. On this day Bro. 
Ludwig received a call from the Lutherans of Philadelphia 
to the pastorate of their congregation. f 

June 3. (Sunday.) Bro. Ludwig preached in the Ger 
man Reformed Church, from Jeremiah, li. 9. 

June 6. Peter Bohler, who had arrived with the colony, 
or "sea-congregation," came to Philadelphia. 

June 7. (Ascension-day.) The colony of Brethren 
arrived in Philadelphia. 

June 8. They were qualified in the Court-house. J 

Mr. Graydon, merchant. 

Mr. Samuel McCall, merchant. 

Mr. Charles Willing, merchant. 

Benjamin Franklin, Postmaster. 

Mr. Charles Brockclen. Deputy Master of the Rolls of the Province, 
and Recorder of Deeds for the City and County of Philadelphia. 

A desire to be disencumbered from the form and circumstance that 
necessarily attended rank, and which might prove embarrassing in his 
ministry, was a consideration that moved him to take this step. 

* This colony having been organized into a congregation for the 
passage across the Atlantic, on the eve of its departure from London, 
in February, is known in Moravian chronicles as the "Sea- Congrega 
tion" the first of two colonies similarly fitted out. There were fifty- 
six on the " Catharine," Captain Gladman. 

f Biidingische Sammlung, Part xii. No. 4, a. 

J " The great influx of Germans, without leave from the crown, into 
the Province in the first half of the year 1727, arrested the attention of 
Governor Gordon and his Council, as a matter deserving of legislation. 
They reasoned that the security of the Province might be endangered 
by such numbers of strangers daily pouring in, who, being ignorant of 
both language and laws, and settling in a body together, were forming 
a people distinct from his Majesty s subjects. Hence it was resolved 
that they be required, in the first place, to take the oath of allegiance, 



June 12. The Synod met for the seventh time, and in 
the house of Mr. Edward Evans, in Philadelphia. 

June 17. {Whitsunday^) Bro. Ludwig preached for 
the last time in the Reformed Church in Germantown. 
The members of the "sea-congregation" proceeded as far 
as that place on their way to Bethlehem ; held love-feast 
with their Brethren, in Theobald Enten s house, and lodged 
there for the night. 

June 1 8. George Piesch, who had led the colony, set 
sail for Europe. 

The major part of the colonists set out for Bethlehem 
with George Neisser and J. William Zander. As the day 
was warm, and long confinement on shipboard had almost 
incapacitated them from travel on foot, it was long after 
nightfall when they reached Peter Bonn s, in Skippack. 
Here they were hospitably entertained. They lodged at 
his house and at John Kooken s. 

June 19. Early in the morning the travelers proceeded 
on their journey, and toward evening arrived at Henry 
Antes house. Here they lodged. 

Bro. Ludwig, John Brandmliller, and Anna Nitschmann 
left Germantown* in the afternoon for Bethlehem. 

June 20. Pyrlaeus, with some of the Sisters, set out in a 
wagon from Germantown for Bethlehem. 

or some equivalent to it, to his Majesty, and promise fidelity to the Pro 
prietor and obedience to the established Constitution." Minutes Pro 
vincial Coztncil, Sept. 22, 1727. 

* During his stay in Germantown the Count was a frequent visitor 
at the house of Mr. John Wister, grandfather of the late John and Charles 
J. Wister. There are still in the old homestead of the family, which was 
built in 1741, a walnut stand and chairs, left by the Count as mementoes 
to his host. In April of 1752, Mr. John Wister entered a daughter in 
the Single Sisters House at Bethlehem. With Caspar, a brother (Caspar 
Wiister), the Brethren at an early day dealt for glassware and drugs. 
One branch of the family has adopted the name Wistar. 



The other colonists proceeded this day as far as Joseph 
Miiller s house, in the Great Swamp, and lodged there. 

Henry Antes had provided a wagon to convey the females 
of the company from his house to Bethlehem. 

June 21. (Thursday.} The different divisions of the 
colony,* and Bro. Ludwig and his companions, arrived at 
Bethlehem at noon. The " Daily Words" were, "T/u s is 
the day which the Lord hath made ; we will rejoice and be 
glad in it." Ps. cxviii. 24. 

The following are the names of those who came on the " Catha- 

Peter and Elisabeth Bohler, 
Adolph Meyer, 
John Brandmtiller, 
Paul D. and Regina D. Prycelius, 
Joachim and Ann Cath. Sensemann, 
George and Elisabeth Harten, 
David and Ann C. Bishoff, 
Michael and Hannah Micksch, 
John and Marg* B. Brucker, 
David and Mar. Elis h Wahnert, 
Michael and Rosina Tanneberger, 
Henry and Rosina Aimers, 
Thomas and Ann Yarrel, 
John and Elisabeth Turner, 
Owen and Elisabeth Rice, 
Samuel and Martha Powel, 
Joseph and Martha Powel, 
Robert and Martha Hussey, 
Nathaniel Seidel, 
Gottlieb Pezold, 

Joseph Miiller, 
John George Endter, 
Matthew Witke, 
John Philip Meurer, 
John Christoph r Heyne, 
Reinhard Ronner, 
George Wiesner, 
Michael Huber, 
Jacob Lischy, 
George Kaske, 
George Schneider, 
C. Frederic Post, 
Leonhard Schnell, 
Christian Werner, 
John G. Heydecker, 
John Okely, 
William Okely, 
Joseph Shaw, 
Hector Gam bold, 
Andrew, a negro. 












During the Indian War of 1755, 56, and 57. 

WHEN, in 1755, Pennsylvania became the theater of the 
prolonged contest in which the French and English were 
engaging for territorial aggrandizement in the New World, 
her defenseless borders along the entire extent of the east 
erly outliers of the great Appalachian chain of mountains 
were, for the first time, scourged with the barbarities of In 
dian warfare. 

Braddock met with disaster on the 9th of July. This 
was the signal for the uprising of the Delawares, whose 
affections had been alienated from the English ever since 
they saw them in league with the hated Iroquois, for the 
iniquitous purpose of dispossessing them of their hereditary 
seats.* Allured by the representations of French emissaries, 
in which the prospect of recovering their national independ 
ence and the homes of their forefathers was flatteringly 

* See chapter i. of An Account of the History, Manners, and Cus 
toms of the Indian Nations who once inhabited Pennsylvania and the 
Neighboring States. By Rev. John Hecke welder, of Bethlehem. 
Philadelphia, 1818. 


held out, and emboldened by the success of the French 
arms, the Delawares of the East met the Delawares of the 
West in council on the Alleghany, and prepared for war. 
But first they rehearsed their wrongs, dwelling on the loss 
of the lands on the Tulpehocken and on the Conedogwinet ; 
but chiefly, and amid bitter denunciations, on the fraud of 
1737,* perpetrated, as they maintained, to confirm the 
deedless purchase of all that tract of country which ex 
tended from the Tohickon and the Hills of Lechauweki 
northward and westward as far as the great plains of Ske- 
handowana, or Wyoming. Wherever the white man was 
settled within this disputed territory, there they resolved to 
strike him as best they could with the most approved wea 
pons and appliances of their savage warfare. And that the, 
blow might be effectually dealt, each warrior-chief was 
charged to scalp, kill, and burn within the precincts of his 
birthright, and all simultaneously, from the frontiers down 
into the heart of the settlements, until the English should 
sue for peace and promise redress. 

In these hostile preparations, and in strengthening their 
arms with alliances, the summer and early months of 
autumn passed away. October came, and no sooner had 
the first biting frost reddened the maple and hardened the 
yellow corn in the husk, than French Indians, and chiefly 
Delawares and Shawanese painted black for war, in bands 

* See the relations of Thomas Furniss and Joseph Knowles " con 
cerning the walk made between the Proprietors of Pennsylvania and 
the Delaware Indians, by James Yates and Edward Marshall," in An 
Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shaw a- 
nese Indians from the British Interest. Written by Charles Thomson, 
the American patriot, who in 1774 was elected Secretary to Congress, 
whom John Adams styled the " Sam Adams of Philadelphia, the life 
of the cause of liberty" and whose last literary labor was a translation 
of the Septuagint, which was published, in 4 vols., in 1808. 


of two or four abreast, moved eastward with murderous 
intent. The line of the Blue Mountain, from the Dela 
ware to the Susquehanna, became the scene of the carnival 
which the exasperated savages held with torch and toma 
hawk during the latter part of the winter of 1755. The 
defenseless settlers were taken as in a snare. They were 
harassed by an unseen foe by day and by night. Some 
were shot down at the plow, some were butchered at the 
fireside ; men, women, and children were promiscuously 
tomahawked or scalped, or hurried away into distant cap 
tivity, for torture or for coveted ransom. There was literally 
a pillar of fire by night and a pillar of cloud by day going 
up along the horizon, marking the progress of the relent 
less invaders, as they dealt out death, and pillage, and con 
flagration, and drove before them, in midwinter s flight, 
hundreds of homeless wanderers, who scarce knew where to 
turn for safety or for succor in the swift destruction that 
was come upon them. 

On the 1 6th of October the savages fell upon the whites 
on John Penn s Creek, four miles south of Shamokin, in 
Snyder County. Here they killed or took captive twenty- 
five persons ; and it was only the twenty-third of the month 
when all the settlements along the Susquehanna between 
Shamokin and Hunter s Mill, for a distance of fifty miles, 
were hopelessly deserted. Early in November the Great 
and the Little Cove, west of the Conecocheague, and the 
Canalaways, in Franklin County, were attacked, the in 
habitants either put to death or taken prisoners, and the 
settlements totally destroyed. This was the field of oper 
ations that had been assigned to the French Indians, and 
to the Delawares from the Ohio under Shingas.* 

* Brother of Tamaque, called King Beaver by the whites, many 
years head chief of the Western Delawares. During the Indian war 



On the 1 6th of November the savages for the first time 
crossed the great river which it had vainly been hoped 
would prove a barrier to their incursions. Falling upon 
the rich farms along the Swatara and the Tulpehocken,* 
they fired the harvested grain and fodder in barns and in 
barracks, destroyed large numbers of cattle and horses, 
and murdered thirteen persons. It was now apparent that 
a second division of the enemy was on the war-path ; and 
when, in the evening of the 24th of the month, the Mora 
vian house on the Mahoningf was surprised and ten of its 
inmates were scalped, or shot, or tomahawked, or burned to 
death, the prelude only had been performed to the tragedy 
which the savages were resolved to enact within the pre 
cincts of the by them detested walking-purchase. Along 
its northern line, which had been fraudulently surveyed so 
as to embrace a goodly portion of the Minnisinks or Upper 
Valley of the Delaware, was laid the first scene of this re 
sentful Indian warfare. It was here that Teedyuscung with 
his Eastern Delawares (and chief among these the impla 
cable Monseys), mindful of the indignities that had been 
heaped upon him and his kinsmen of the Forks by the im 
perious Canassatego, at the Treaty of 1742, wreaked his 

Shingas had the reputation of being the greatest warrior among his 
people, and such a terror was he become to the frontier settlements 
of Pennsylvania that Government set a price of ^200 on his head or 
scalp. See Heckewelder? s Names of Chieftains and Eminent Men of 
the Lenni Lenape, published in the Proceedings of the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania, September, 1847, and also page 264 of his 
History of Indian Nations. 

* Corrupted from Tulpewihacki, Delaware, signifying a land abound 
ing in turtles. 

f Corrupted from Mahonhanne, Delaware, signifying a stream flow 
ing near a lick, a tributary of the Lehigh, heading on the northern 
declivity of Tamaqua Mountain, in Schuylkill County, and emptying 
into that river below Lehighton. 


long-cherished resentment on the whites who had planted 
in Long Valley, or who were trespassing within the Minni- 
sinks west of the Delaware. And thus, within a short 
month, fifty farms, with their houses, were plundered and 
burned, and upward of one hundred persons were killed on 
the frontiers of Northampton, on both sides of the Kitta- 
tinny, or "endless hills." "All our border country," 
writes a chronicler of the day, "extending from the Poto 
mac to the Delaware, not less than one hundred and fifty 
miles in length and between twenty and thirty in breadth, 
has been entirely deserted, its houses reduced to ashes, and 
the cattle, horses, grain, and other possessions of the in 
habitants either destroyed, burned, or carried off by the 
Indians ; while such of the poor planters who, with their 
wives, children, and servants, escaped from the enemy, have 
been obliged, in this inclement season of the year, to aban 
don their habitations almost naked and to throw themselves 
upon the charity of those who dwell in the interior of the 

A combination of causes served to render this time of 
general distress peculiarly trying to the Brethren. Their 
mission among the aborigines, owing to the enlightening 
influence it exerted upon a people who had long been the 
easy subjects of design and of fraud, was unpopular with 
that class of the whites who were interested in their de 
gradation. These were now loud in denouncing the 
Brethren, in publishing them to the world as an associa 
tion in league with the savages, in the interests of the 
French, and as deserving of being treated as a common 
enemy. Thus a strong feeling was roused against them, 
and twice did their exasperated fellow-Christians conspire 
to exterminate them in their settlements root and branch. 
Meanwhile their situation in the northern part of the 
Province exposed them to sudden attack from the hostile 


Indians, by whom they plainly saw that they had been 
singled out as objects of an especial hate. And for this 
reason. They had refused to use compulsion, when 
messenger after messenger had come down from the Sus- 
quehanna with sinister invitations to the unwilling Dela- 
wares and Mohicans of Gnadenhiitten, to come up to them 
and plant in Wyoming. And when Teedyuscung, in April 
of 1754, had used his persuasive arts so effectually with the 
members of the congregation as to draw away seventy of 
his fellow-converts (among whom \vas Abraham Shabash, 
the first of the patriarchs), their silent rebuke of his breach 
of faith, and their reluctance to allow their sheep to go 
among wolves, roused the hatred of the chieftain and his 
consorts who were preparing for war. Are they not our 
brethren, and is it not best that they return to their own 
people? For who can love them more than we their 
brethren?" was their insidious plea. Meanwhile they and 
the others reasoned among themselves as follows : " If these 
Moravian Indians continue at Gnadenhiitten, they may 
thwart us in our plans when the time has come for us to 
take up the hatchet ; they may become informers, or they 
may be employed as scouts and runners ; and even if they 
hold themselves neutral, their proximity to the settlements 
will embarrass our movements." Foiled in effecting this 
coveted removal, the hostile chieftain spoke angrily of the 
Brethren, and the evil report was spread throughout the 
Indian country that the pale-faced preachers at Bethlehem 
were craftily holding red men in bondage. And thus was 
engendered in the hearts of the Indians who had been 
alienated from the English, that bitter animosity against 
their benefactors which paralyzed the latter in their labor 
of love, while it cost them a heavy loss and precious lives. 
In this way the Brethren were between two fires, and 
in an apparently hopeless dilemma. It needed indeed a 


Divine interposition to extricate them from the twofold 
peril in which they were involved, and to set them in a 
safe place where all men could see and confess to their 
innocence. And this interposition came at an early day. 
It came, it is true, in blood, but the Brethren received it as 
a dispensation of mercy, for their faith in the righteousness 
of the Lord s dealings was strong. 

Locked in among high hills on the west bank of the 
Lehigh, a few miles north of where the river escapes from 
the embraces of the Blue Mountain, is a sequestered valley. 
It was always a lonely spot, and still remains such, although 
now so near one of the great thoroughfares of traffic and 
seats of mighty labor, swarming with strong workingmen, 
and dim and lurid with the smoke and the fires of glowing 
furnaces. The valley of the Mahoning is a silent little 
world of wild mountain and of barren hills, shelving down 
into a narrow expanse of lowland through which the Ma- 
honing winds its wizard stream. In this amphitheater the 
Lord was pleased to vindicate the Brethren. He did this 
on the 24th of November, and as follows. 

There were fifteen persons in the dwelling-house on that 
fatal night. It was in the gloaming, and they were about 
finishing their evening meal when the angry barking of the 
dogs in the farm-yard apprised them of the approach of 
strangers. Joachim Sensemann being reminded that the 
meeting-house (it stood not more than fifty yards higher 
up on the hill) was not locked for the night, hastened 
thither to secure it. This precaution saved him ; for no 
sooner was he in the hall and in the act of striking a light, 
than he heard the report of fire-arms. It startled him; 
only momentarily, however, as he recollected that a scout 
ing party of Scotch-Irish had ridden past a few hours be 
fore, and he concluded that they were discharging their 
pieces on their return home. He finished his errand, and 


was on his way down the hill, when he met George Partsch, 
who, breathless, informed him in broken speech of the 
presence of hostile Indians below. "Twelve Shawanese 
painted for war," he said, pointing behind him, adding at 
the same time that the dwelling was beleaguered, that the 
Brethren and Sisters were at the mercy of the savages, and 
that he had escaped by leaping out of a window at the first 
surprise with a bullet whistling past his head. A brief recon- 
noissance of the position showed them the folly of any at 
tempt to render assistance, and they accordingly resolved 
to cross the river without delay and to give the alarm to the 
inhabitants of Gnadenhiitten East. 

Meanwhile the following had transpired at the doomed 
house. The barking of the dogs had been indeed por 
tentous ; for soon after there were voices and then foot 
steps heard without. Martin Nitschmann opened the door 
to see whose they were, was shot, and fell a corpse. Two 
bullets at the same moment grazed Joseph Sturgis, and as 
the door remained open the savages poured a random 
volley into the room, killing or wounding John Gatter- 
meyer, Martin Presser, and John Lesley. Of them nothing 
more is known. Hereupon the others (there were nine) 
retreated precipitately into the adjoining apartment, and 
from there up the stairway into the attic, closely pursued 
by the Indians. It was in this retreat and on the steps 
that Susanna Nitschmann was disabled by a ball, and, reel 
ing backward, fell into the hands of the enemy. Her 
loud and piteous cries for help were soon hushed ; for if 
we are to credit the relations of Isaac Nutimus, of Joachim 
and of Teedyuscung, she was gagged and handed over to 
an attendant by her captor to grace his triumph on his 
return to Diahoga. The eight who had succeeded in 
reaching the attic, barricaded the trap-door with bedsteads 
and with what other furniture was at hand, the strong 



arms of George Schweigert, a teamster, rendering the bar 
rier proof against the attempt of the murderous assailants 
to force it with their hatchets and the butts of their guns. 
Failing to reach those for whose blood they thirsted, the 
Indians now charged their pieces and fired volley after 
volley, some into the floor, and some from without into 
the roof, in the hopes of killing or of bringing to terms the 
objects of their fiendish ferocity. Foiled in this also, the 
exasperated Shawanese applied the torch. The cruelly- 
hunted men and women above were soon sensible of the 
new danger by which they were beset, and saw that they 
must either perish by fire or fall into the hands of demons. 
There were three helpless women in that doomed com 
pany, and they were long the most composed. Anna 
Sensemann was last seen seated upon a bed with folded 
hands and apturned eyes, and ever and anon she said, 
"My Saviour, I thought that this would be my end!" 
The second was a mother with an infant in her arms. 
Wrapping the child in her apron, she hugged it closely to 
her bosom and sat in silence ; for the flood of feeling and 
affection for her offspring that poured through her heart in 
that perilous time deprived her of the power of utterance. 
This was Johanna Anders. The suspense was growing 
momentarily more unendurable, and Gottlieb Anders 
shouted for help in the vain hope that he would be heard, 
and that all that was dear to him in the world would even 
yet be succored. But at intervals, above his voice and 
above the yells of the exultant Shawanese and the crack 
ling of burning timbers, were heard the agonizing cries of 
the innocent child. Now it was that three of the eight 
chose the desperate alternative of risking their lives in an 
attempt to escape from the beleaguered house in preference 
to that of certain death by the horrors of fire. Watching 


his chance, at a moment when the sentinel, who was guard 
ing the dormer-window below, had left his post, young 
Sturgis boldly leapt out, ran for his life, and won it. 
Susan Partsch followed him, and reached the meeting 
house unobserved. Behind this she secreted herself, 
leaving her covert on the approach of the Indians later 
in the evening and retreating down the valley toward the 
river. George Fabricius was the third to take the des 
perate leap, and evidently with hesitation, as the fire had 
already passed over him. He had reached the ground, 
had sprung to his feet, and was safe as he thought from his 
relentless persecutors, when they discovered him. In an 
instant he was pierced simultaneously by two balls and 
fell. Rushing upon him, the infuriated savages buried 
their tomahawks in his body and scalped him down to the 
eyes. Next day his mangled corpse was found in a pool 
of blood on the spot where he had been butchered, and 
by its side, guarding the lifeless remains of its master, was 
couched his faithful dog. Five of the inmates of the 
house on the Mahoning, therefore, met death in the fire. 

Having finished their bloody work, the Indians (so we 
are told by Susan Partsch, who watched their movements 
from her hiding-place) proceeded to pillage and burn the 
other houses of the settlement. First the barn and stable, 
and next the kitchen, the bake-house, the Single Brethren s 
house, the store, the mill, and finally the meeting-house, 
until the who?e valley was light as day with the glare of 
the conflagration, athwart which could be seen, in bold re 
lief, the dusky figures of the fiendish Shawanese as they hast 
ened to and fro in the closing scene of the tragedy they had 
that night so perfectly enacted. And when this was done, 
they collected around the spring-house, where, having di 
vided their plunder, they feasted with blood-stained hands. 


Then loading up their spoils on stolen horses, they filed off 
leisurely in the warrior s path that led to Wyoming.* 

* The following are the names, with brief notices, of the victims of 
the massacre : 

Anna Catharine Sensemann,m. n. Ludwig,born 17 17, in Lichtewarn, 
Upper Silesia. Immigrated to Pennsylvania with her husband in June 
of 1742. They had been residents on the Mahoning since the 5th of 
August, and were acting as steward and stewardess. 

Gottlieb Anders, gardener, born 1719, in Neumarck, Silesia. Im 
migrated to Pennsylvania in November of 1743. Was Chaplain to the 
Family on the Mahoning since November of 1754- 

Johanna Christina Anders, m. n. Vollmer, born 1720, in Homburg 
an der Hoh , his wife, and 

Johanna, born 1754, at Friedensthal, on the Nazareth tract, their 
infant daughter. 

Martin Nitschmann, cutler, born 1714, in Zauchtenthal, Moravia. 
Immigrated to Pennsylvania in 1749. Since August, a resident on 
the Mahoning. 

John Leonhard Gattermeyer, blacksmith, born 1721, in Ratisbon. 
Immigrated to Pennsylvania in 1749. Joined the Family on the Ma 
honing in October. 

George Christian Fabricius, scholar, born 1716, in Nyburg, Fiinen. 
Entered the Theological Seminary on the opening of that Church-in 
stitution in the village of Barby, in May of 1754. In September im 
migrated to Pennsylvania, and was assigned to the Family on the 
Mahoning, there to acquire the Delaware, preparatory to entering the 
mission. The facility with which Fabricius learned the language had 
already qualified him to make translations of portions of the New 
Testament. He was Lector, and also taught the Indian children at 
Gnadenhiitten East. 

George Schweigert, farmer, born 1724, in Heidenheim, in Wirtem- 
berg. Immigrated to Pennsylvania in 1750. In 1754 was sent to 

Martin Presser, carpenter, born 1709, in Weimar. Immigrated to 
Pennsylvania in 1750. Worked at his trade at Gnadenhiitten. 

John Frederic Lesley, shoemaker, born 1732, in Conestoga, Lancaster 



Intelligence of this terrible blow was brought to Beth 
lehem by David Zeisberger at three o clock in the morning 
of the next day, and it was broken to the Brethren and 
Sisters, who had been summoned to meet in the chapel at 
five o clock (an hour earlier than the customary time for 

County. In 1747 came to Bethlehem. Had been a resident on the 
Mahoning only a few weeks. 

In 1788 a memorial-stone was placed over the spot in the grave 
yard where the body of Fabricius and the bones of the others had been 
interred. The burial-place is on the summit of the rising ground, west 
of Lehighton. The stone covers the entire grave. Upon it are in 
scribed the names of the eleven, and of them it is touchingly said, 
" They had lived at Gnadenhiitten unto the Lord, and ended their lives 
by a surprise of Indian warriors." Below is the Scriptural assurance 
that " Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saints !" 

The following are the names, with brief notices, of those who escaped 
the massacre : 

Peter Worbas, carpenter, born in 1722, in Colding, Jutland. In 
1753 immigrated to Pennsylvania, and was assigned to Gnadenhiitten. 
Resided successively at Bethlehem, New Gnadenhiitten, Hope (War 
ren County, New Jersey), and on the erection of Nazareth, in 1771, 
settled in that place, and built the first house there. It was removed 
in 1865. Worbas deceased at Nazareth in 1806. 

George Partsch, born 1719, in Langendorf, Upper Silesia. Immi 
grated to Pennsylvania in 1743. After his escape from the Mahoning, 
he removed to Bethlehem, where, excepting the interval between May 
of 1762 and July of 1763, spent on St. Thomas, he resided until his 
decease in July of 1765. 

Susan Louisa, m. n. Eller, his wife, was born 1722 in Biidingen, in 
the Wetterau. She deceased at Bethlehem in 1795. Tne l ate Mr - 
Matthew Krause, of Bethlehem, was a great-grandson. 

Joachim Sensemann, deceased in Jamaica. 

Joseph Sturgis (Sturgeous), from Philadelphia, attached himself to 
the Brethren at Bethlehem, in May of 1757. At the time of his escape 
he was in the seventeenth year of his age. He deceased at Litiz, 
Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, in June of 1817, and left numerous 


daily devotions), by Bishop Spangenberg. Only a few 
were informed of what had happened, and although there 
were vague rumors among the rest of some great calam 
ity, these failed to lessen the painful suspense which ha 
rassed them as they sat in silence awaiting the entrance of 
their respected father. The organ gave forth mournful 
notes as the worthy man came in, and took his accustomed 
seat. Surveying his Brethren and Sisters to the right and 
to the left with a countenance which bore evidence of 
some recent contest which had taken place in his inmost 
soul, he spoke most feelingly and said : " My dear Brethren 
and Sisters, it may appear to some as if the Saviour had 
dealt severely with us;" and then, having recited the tragic 
occurrence of the previous evening, he rallied and pro 
ceeded to say, " But, no ! He has been pleased for a wise 
purpose to lead some of our number as victims to the 
slaughter. We are short-sighted, and perhaps too much 
stricken to be able to interpret this mysterious providence. 
But are we not triumphantly vindicated in the eyes of our 
neighbors who clamor for our lives and for the destruction 
of dear Bethlehem, publishing to the world that we are in 
league with the French, because, when all men around us 
hastened to arms in utter consternation, we alone were un 
dismayed, and waited for the Lord?"* 

* It is well known that the Moravians were averse to bearing arms, 
and that they regarded offensive warfare as incompatible with the 
gentle teachings of the religion of Jesus Christ. The attitude they 
assumed in the Indian war was altogether defensive. They stockaded 
their settlements on the Nazareth tract, the exposed portions of Bethle 
hem, built watch-towers, and exercised constant vigilance by day and 
by night, so as to avoid the necessity of repelling an attack which 
precaution on their part might have prevented. And after all they 
looked chiefly to the Lord, remembering that except He keep the city 
the watchman waketh in vain. Hence when, soon after the outbreak 


It is to this distressing period in the history of Provin 
cial Pennsylvania that the records thus introduced belong. 

of hostilities, warm friends in New York dispatched a supply of arms 
and ammunition to Bethlehem, bidding the Brethren to take them, go 
forth, and fight the Indians, Bro. Spangenberg felt called to make the 
following exposition. The gentleness of the rebuke it administers, the 
feeling of tender compassion for the slayers of his Brethren, and the 
spirit of forgiveness and of calm trust in the wisdom and mercy of the 
Saviour it expresses, will furnish the reader with prominent points in 
the character of the man who at that time was set to watch over the 
Brethren s Church in America. He here speaks, not like some pom 
pous prelate ex cathedra, but in lowly speech, and yet with Christian 
majesty; his words falling impressively upon the ear and reaching the 
heart, as do those of the fatherly Ambrose, or even as those of the 
Apostle of the Gentiles, when speaking, not in his own dignity, but 
with the solemn earnestness inspired by his Master. 


" I think it necessary to be plain with you, for I observe that some of 
you do not know what to make of the Brethren. I have received let 
ters in one day, all written in love, and out of a tender concern for 
us, but in substance opposite to one another. Some of them advised 
us to make no resistance to the barbarous enemy, but rather to come 
away from our settlements. Others write us to stand upon our defense, 
and to oppose such wicked and abominable creatures who are doing 
the work of their father, who was a mnrderer from the beginning. 

" We know, God be thanked, what we are doing, and are not in doubt 
about the course we should pursue. Our Saviour is with us and we feel 
both in private and in public his Gracious Presence. His Spirit is not 
less to us than a tender mother guiding us into all truth according to 
our Saviour s gracious promise. We have his Word, which certainly is 
truth, and we can depend upon it that we shall not be misled if acting 
according to his dictates, and we need not now first inquire what his 
designs are in regard to us, but He made us sensible of his purposes 
before these troubles broke in upon us. 

" We are of opinion that governments ought to protect their subjects. 
Rulers are servants of God, and the sword is given them by a Superior 
Power, who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords. This sword given 



They relate to the posture of the Brethren in the times im 
mediately succeeding the massacre on the Mahoning, and 

them they hold not in vain, but they are to protect the weaker ones and 
save the innocent. It is not only permitted unto them to oppose and 
punish all such as will hurt, kill, steal, c., but it is their duty to do 
so, and if they neglect this their office they will be answerable for it to 
their Master. 

" A minister of the Gospel is a sheep sent among wolves, who is to be 
prudent like a serpent and harmless like a dove. His arms are not 
carnal but spiritual, and he conquers by no other weapons than by the 
blood of the Lamb, by the sword of the Gospel, by faith in Christ, by 
prayers and by tears. If one smites him on the right cheek he is to 
turn him the other also. If one takes away his coat he is to give him 
also his cloak. Confer Matthew, v. 38, 39. Such an one if he would 
handle weapons becoming a soldier, would show his ignorance of his 

" A common man such as they call a layman, if he hath wife and chil 
dren, is to provide for his family and to protect them against mischief. 
It would not be right in him to see his wife ravished by a wicked fel 
low and to sit still at it. It would be very wrong in him if wicked 
wretches should fall upon his children and he be indolent and patient 
at the murdering of them. If it is right in a pastor to kill rather a 
wolf than to see the lambs killed, it is certainly right for a father to 
stand up for the life of his children. 

" Now I will tell you what we have been doing hitherto since our 
Brethren were killed and burned at the Mahoning. We have received 
those that escaped the cruel hands of the savages with great thankful 
ness to the Lord. We have praised the Lord for taking so many of our 
Brethren and Sisters all at once like a sacrifice to himself. We have 
mourned for those poor creatures who were Satan s instruments in 
doing evil ; and oh how we wish they may once repent and be par 
doned ! 

" When we were told how the enemy had boasted that they certainly 
would have done with all the Forks, especially with Bethlehem and 
Nazareth, before the Great Day (they mean Christmas), we com 
mitted our life and all into the hands of our good Saviour believing 
that there is no one to save us from the wicked one but He alone. 
Then we agreed to be on our guard and to keep good watch, thinking 


to a part of their experiences during the continuance of 
the war. 

that to be a means of deterring the enemy. And we hope that the 
Lord hath blessed our endeavors, poor as they are, for that purpose. 

" The watchmen then proposed whether it would not be good to have 
some guns, partly to give a signal to the rest of the guard, partly to 
hinder the cruel enemy from falling upon the Sisters and children, 
and using them after his abominable manner. They said, What 
shall we do ? If the savages would be satisfied with taking our lives 
it might be so; but shall we leave our Sisters and our children a prey 
to their devilish designs ? I could not say, Let the savages do what 
they please with our Sisters and our children. No indeed ! For 
how could a father or a husband do so and not think himself guilty of 
neglecting his duty ? But this I have told my Brethren, Pray rather 
to God that he may send fear and trembling upon the enemy and 
thereby keep him a great way from us, for I should neither like to see 
an Indian, nor one of my Brethren nor their wives and children, killed 
at Bethlehem, at Nazareth, or at any of our places. 

" We do not trust in weapons nor in arms. For we know for certain 
that if the Lord will have us suffer, no arms will keep us free. If He 
will have us safe, not all the devils will be able to hurt us in the least. 
What could Satan do to Job, to his children, and to his cattle and his 
horses, before he was permitted by God ? But after he was told that 
they had been given into his hands he soon made away with all that 
Job had in the world. 

" We cannot remove from Bethlehem and Nazareth with such a body 
of men, women, and children. Where should we go to be safer ? Here 
we know Providence has placed us. Should we think ourselves more 
secure in the towns, and should we expose our children to the tempta 
tions and the wicked practices so common there, and finally should we 
throw ourselves into the hands of men to live dependent upon their 
goodness and their mercy ? No ! We would rather fall into the hands 
of the Lord. Who knows but He will preserve us alive for the good 
of this whole Province, and how many thanks will be given to Him if 
He does ! 

" Now, my dear Brethren and Sisters, as I have told you my heart and 
the heart of my Brethren and Sisters, I thank you for sympathizing so 
much with us in our present situation. The tokens of your compas- 



Gnadenhiitten East, the seat of the mission since June of 
1754, was deserted in the fatal night, and the missionaries 
and their converts, upward of seventy men, women, and 
children, fled to Bethlehem. The presence of these refugees 
at that place, at a critical juncture, when men s voices were 
being raised in bitter imprecations indiscriminately against 
a race that was perpetrating daily atrocities around them, 
perplexed the Brethren even more than concern for pro 
viding for the fugitives in the future, should their sojourn 
be prolonged by the chances of war. They nevertheless 
welcomed them with open arms, for they loved their 
"brown brethren and sisters" or "the brown hearts," as 
they affectionately called them, as dearly as the apple of 
their eye. And hence when the former came fleeing to them 
before the dreaded vengeance of their kinsmen, who had 
threatened to cleanse their ears with a red-hot iron, the latter 
opened the gates of the city of refuge and took them in. 

Always disposed to act in conformity with the require 
ments, and in matters of moment with the sanction, of Gov 
ernment, the Brethren notified the magistrates of the sudden 
transfer of their mission. At the same time they approved of 
a desire their Indians expressed of throwing themselves on 
the protection of Government as loyal subjects, and as such, 

sion were welcome and I wish you many blessings for them. Con 
tinue in your love, and let your prayers and our prayers be offered for 
one common object, viz.: that the Lord may rebuke the wicked Prince 
of Darkness who is the great leader of these idolaters that are now 
crying against Christ s people; and that He may fill these poor ignorant 
wicked creatures with fear and trembling, and thus cause them to re 
turn to their hills and mountains as the proper companions of wolves 
and bears, and other wild beasts, till the Lord please to open their 
eyes and to call them from the power of Satan into his glorious 

" Bethlehem, Dec. 23, 1755." 


of claiming assistance in time of need. These accordingly 
addressed Governor Morris.* In his reply, the Governor not 

* The following is the correspondence that passed between the 
Moravian Indians and Governor Morris. It is prefaced by a letter 
addressed by Bishop Spangenberg to the Justices of the County of 
Northampton, and dated Bethlehem, November 29, 1755, as follows: 

" Inclosed is an address of the Indians who came down from Gna- 
denhiitten, to the Governor and the Assembly, which I think should 
first be shown to the Magistrates of this County and then go down 
with their opinion, for it is a matter of great importance, they being 
the only men at present who can do the Government the greatest 

" I cannot help letting you know that Gnadenhiitten is of as great 
importance to our Government as Shamokin ; for if that place be not 
secured, not only all the settlers who live behind the Blue Mountain 
must be going from their houses and farms, but the Indians can run 
down with freshes in a few hours into any part of the Forks, yea, 
quite down to Philadelphia. 

" If the Government should think well to build there a fort, we will 
give of the land we have there, ten acres, for that purpose, in a place 
which can command the Lehigh and a great way on all sides. 

" If they choose our offer, they must needs keep a guard there be 
fore the houses and mill are burned down, which can be of great 
service to them at first while they are building a fort. The Indians, 
our friends, have all their corn there, for they fled for their lives, 
naked, in the night. If the said corn is fetched for them, they will 
not be a burden to the County, which they never yet have been. If 
this corn be left there, they must needs be provided for, and it will 
not be good to leave the corn to the enemy. Twelve wagons, may 
be, would fetch it, and it will be too much to let this be the Brethren s 

" I am, Sirs, 

" Your humble servant, 


" Upon perusing the foregoing letter, we are clearly of opinion that 
the several matters therein contained are of very great weight, and if 


only assured the petitioners of his sympathy, but at the 
same time expressed his conviction that they were deserv- 

carried into execution, would be of the greatest service to all this part 
of the country. 



" November 30, 1755." 

The humble Address of the Indians, late residing at Gnadenhiitten, 
at their instance, taken from their own mouths as followeth, to wit : 

" First, we present our love, respect, and duty to the Hon ble Robert 
Hunter Morris, the Governor of Pennsylvania, and because we are 
not able to express ourselves as it should be, we beg that the best con 
struction may be put upon what we have to lay before him. 

" We have hitherto been poor heathen, who knew nothing of God, 
but lived in blindness and abominable sins. 

" The Brethren have told us words from Jesus Christ our God and 
Lord, who became a man for us and purchased salvation for us with 
his blood. 

" We have heard these words, taken them to heart, received them 
in faith, and are baptized in the name of Jesus Christ. 

" The Brethren since that time have faithfully cared for us, and not 
only further instructed us in God s word, but have also permitted us 
to live upon their land and plant our corn, at the same time instruct 
ing our children. 

" It is now a great many years that we have lived in quiet and peace 
under the protection of the Government of this Province, so that we 
have not been burdensome to any, nor has anybody molested us. 
But now it has come to pass that wicked people who serve the Devil 
have committed horrible murders and inhumanly butchered even our 
own Brethren. 

" We well knew that we had nothing better to expect at their hands 
as long as we continued with the Brethren under this Government. 
For which cause we sought to save our lives by flight, leaving every 
thing behind which we had in Gnadenhiitten, to wit : not only our 


ing subjects of charity. Thus assured, the Brethren drew 
upon the Provincial Commissioners for reimbursement in 

habitations but also our clothing and provisions, fleeing in the dark 
night, naked and empty, away with our wives and our children. 

" Now we are here in Bethlehem with our Brethren, willing rather 
to suffer and live with them as heretofore. We cannot but declare to 
our Honor ble Governor, 

" I. That we are thankful from the bottom of our hearts for the 
protection and peace that we have hitherto enjoyed in this Province. 

" 2. That none of us have any hand in the abominable murders 
lately committed by the Indians, but we abhor and detest them. 

" 3. It is our desire, seeing that we are persuaded that our lives will 
be principally sought after, to put ourselves as children under the pro 
tection of this Government. We cannot say otherwise but that we 
are entirely devoted to the English Government and wish success and 
prosperity to their arms against their and our enemies. 

" We hope that our Hon ble Governor will give us a gracious answer 
to this our humble petition, and provide for our future welfare and 

securit y- JOSHUA, Mohican, 

" AUGUSTUS, Delaware, 
" JACOB, Mohican, 
" ANTON, Delaware, 
" JOHN PETER, Wampanoag, 
" JOSHUA, Delaware, 
" ANDREW, Wampanoag, 
" MICHAEL, Monsey, 
JONATHAN, Delaware, 
" PHILIP, Wampanoag, 
"JOHN, Mohican, 
" JOHN, Delaware, 
" DANIEL, Mohican, 
" MARK, Mohican. 
"BETHLEHEM, November 29, 1755." 


" To the Indians lately residing at Gnadenhiitten and now at Beth 
lehem, greeting : 

" You may always depend on the most favorable construction being 
put on whatever you lay before me. 


part of expenses they were incurring in providing for loyal 
Indians and for Christians who had fled to fellow- Christians 
for protection. 

" It gives me a true pleasure to find you are under the force of re 
ligious impressions, and speak in so affectionate a manner of the 
Author of the Christian Salvation, our Lord Jesus Christ. 

" As you have made it your own choice to become members of our 
civil society, and subjects of the same Government, and determine to 
share the same fate with us, I shall make it my care to extend the 
same protection to you as to the other subjects of his Majesty, and as 
a testimony of the regard paid by the Government to the distressed 
state of that Province where you have suffered so much, I have de 
termined to build a fort at Gnadenhutten, from which you will receive 
equal security with the white people under my care. 

" I have not the least suspicion of your having been concerned in 
the late mischief. Your precaution and flight are an evidence of your 
innocence, and I take in good part your professions of truth and fidelity 
to your Brethren, and thank you for them. 

" I heartily commiserate your losses, and think you entitled to re 
lief, and as I intend to send for all our friendly Indians to come and 
confer with me in this time of danger, I shall let you know the time 
when I shall meet them, and desire you to be present, that I may speak 
to you at the same time. 

" In the mean time I desire you will be of good behaviour, and re 
main where you are. 

" Given under my hand and the Lesser Seal of the Province, at 
Philadelphia, the fourth day of December, A.D. 1755. 


Answer of the Moravian Indians to Gov. Morris s Reply, " which 
was taken from their own mouths, and being literally translated, was 
read and communicated to them in their own tongue, before signing." 


" We received thy letter, and thy words being interpreted to us, we 
have heard with our ears and well understood. Our women and our 
children have also heard them. It has rejoiced us much, and we are 
heartily thankful that thou wilt be pleased to provide for and take us 


The accounts of the " above seventy Indians who escaped 
from Gnadenhlitten," in the following transcript are incom 
plete, in as far as they are preceded by two statements, one 
amounting to 5 1 gs. $%d. from November 28, 1755, to Feb 
ruary 20, 1756, and another to 13 i8s. $d. from February 
28 to April i, of the last named year. Furthermore, they 
were continued as late as April of 1758. On several occa 
sions the Province demurred honoring these drafts on her 
exchequer, it having been seriously impoverished by out 
lays incurred in prosecuting the war, and in conducting 
tedious overtures for the restoration of a permanent peace. 
The representations made by the Brethren, however, in 
which they reminded Government of its pledge, of the 
comparatively trifling cost it incurred for every Moravian 
Indian (it amounting only to i^ pence per day); which 
cost, they argued, w r as almost outweighed by the services 

under thy protection against our enemies, in these troublesome times ; 
that we may abide with our Brethren in peace, and daily hear sweet 
words of our God and Saviour to the refreshment and comfort of our 
poor hearts. 

" We assure and promise thee herewith that we will be obedient to 
thy order, and with our wives and children behave ourselves still and 
orderly among our Brethren, and be governed peaceably and quietly 
toward every man. 

" We are heartily willing to come and hear more words from thee, 
whenever thou shalt please to call us. 

" In the mean time we poor Indians recommend ourselves to thy 
kind remembrance, hoping we shall not be forgotten by thee. 

" We offer our kind salutations to thee, wishing thee health and 
prosperity, and remain 

" Thy obedient and faithful Brethren, 

" AUGUSTUS, Delaware (his mark a Turtle}. 
" JOSHUA, Mohican (his mark a Turkey] . 

" Signed by the Order and in behalf of all the rest, 9th December, 



that some of their number had rendered the Province, in 
the capacity of runners or of interpreters, and on danger 
ous embassies, finally prevailed.* The accounts were ac- 


" The inclosed is the humble request of the Brethren in Bethlehem 
to your Honor, occasioned by the Honorable Commissioners refusing 
to pay the accounts of their expenses toward maintaining the friendly- 
Indians, who nevertheless have done the Government many great 
services, and never demanded anything from this Province, as long as 
they were quietly left in their settlements upon the Mahoning on the 
Brethren s lands. 

" Now, as I hope, your Honor will be pleased to consider, that at 
another time many other Indians may think, It is better for Indians 
to join the enemies of the English, for then they will get presents and 
rewards; but if the Indians join the English and behave friendly, they 
will not only afterwards be left destitute, but will also be left a prey 
to their enemies, after it comes to a peace ; which probably will be 
the case with those Indians who were ever faithful to this Government, 
and are now at Bethlehem hated by all the Indians of their tribe be 
cause they were not with them against the English in the last war. 
And such thoughts will not turn out for the good of the Province. 
However, I hope of your goodness better things. 

" Your Honor s most humble servant, 


" BETHM., Apr. 20, 1757." 

The Brethren s Address to Governor Denny. 


" Whereas, some time since when the late Indian troubles took 
their beginning, the Brethren s valuable settlement on the Mahoning, 
together with eleven human lives, were destroyed, and our people 
were thereby losers of at least ^"2000, a loss which we shall feel while 
we live ; 

" And w/iereas, at the same time a number of Indians who were 
then living on our land at Gnadenhikten, and in a fair way of getting 
a competent and comfortable livelihood, without being burdensome 
for it either to the Province or to their neighbors thereabouts, having 


cordingly recognized as just obligations and liquidated in 
full ; not, however, without hesitancy, in overcoming which 

been preserved by means of the Brethren in their friendship and alli 
ance with this Government, were even therefore at the same time 
forced to fly for their lives, lose their all, and take their refuge to the 
Brethren at Bethlehem, destitute of everything to support life; 

" And whereas, your Honor s predecessor, considering their cir 
cumstances, has told and given it them in writing that they should be 
treated friendly and supported in their necessitous circumstances by 
the Province ; upon the good faith of which the Brethren in Bethle 
hem have furnished them with necessaries of life, and charged the 
expenses to the Province account; 

" And ivhereas, at sundry times the Brethren have produced their 
accounts before the honorable the Commissioners, and had them 
punctually paid till now, when Mr. Schmalling, one of the Brethren, 
delivered our account, amounting to a mere trifle each day per head, 
was refused payment. I am, therefore, to represent our hard case to 
your Honor in behalf of our much aggrieved community, and to beg 
your Honor s favorable interposition with the honorable the Commis 
sioners ; for although the Indians residing here in Bethlehem on one 
hand are not inclined to settle again in the Indian country for fear of 
their lives, and on the other cannot resolve to live below Philadelphia 
for want of hunting opportunity, which makes a great part of their 
livelihood ; and although on that account the Brethren at Bethlehem 
have consented to let them settle on a piece of ground belonging to 
us not far from here, we humbly conceive that this is not a sufficient 
ground to cut them off from the hitherto usual allowance they have 
had from this Government as long as they are not yet settled upon that 
intended spot, nor as long as the Government maintains so many other 
Indians who have murdered many of the inhabitants, enslaved others, 
and destroyed their possessions. We therefore hope your Honor will 
in good reason think those who have faithfully adhered to this Govern 
ment entitled to the same beneficial allowance which such Indians as 
were enemies still enjoy. 

" We have that confidence in your Honor that you in equity and 
justice will support our request, and not suffer that these poor, friendly, 
but at present necessitous Indians, shall either be thrown entirely upon 


Mr. William Edmonds was largely instrumental. This was 
in June of 1758. 

The specified accounts that constitute the bulk of the 
transcript in this paper were rendered to the Commis 
sioners, pursuant to an order given to the Brethren by 
Governor Morris,* that they provide for such of the 
enemy as should come into the settlements, after his pro 
clamation for a suspension of hostilities. Some of these 
came with a desire to return to their allegiance, others to 
throw themselves on the protection of the Province, and 
others to treat for peace. War had been formally declared 
against the Delawares in April of 1756. In May, and 
again in July, hostilities were suspended ; in the last month 
they were remitted preparatory to the first of a series of 
treaties. This lull was followed by an influx of Delawares 
and allied Indians to Bethlehem, which lay in the route 
from their country to Easton, the place that had been 
selected for negotiations. Government was imposing an 
additional burden upon the Brethren when it committed 

the Brethren at Bethlehem already so very great losers in this Province, 
or be left to the mercy of their embittered Indian brethren. 

" Not doubting of your Honor s equitable resolution, 

" We rest your Honor s most obedient humble servants, 
" Signed in behalf of the Brethren, 


"BETHM., Apr. 22, 1757." 

* " I do hereby empower the Brethren and request them to receive 
into their houses at Bethlehem all such friendly Indians as shall come 
to them and desire to be taken in, and to support and maintain them 
till they have my further orders ; always taking care to advise me from 
time to time of the arrival of any Indians, mentioning their place of 
abode, their tribe, and such other circumstances as shall be necessary to 
give me a just and proper account of them, and any expenses attending 
this service will be paid by the Government." Gov. Morris to Tiniy 
Horsfield, Esq. Philadelphia, June 23, 1756. 


this lawless crowd to their keeping ; and although aware of 
this, its assurance that their knowledge of Indian character 
rendered them desirable custodians, and that at Bethlehem 
the hated Indians would be safe, outweighed all other 
considerations. In vain did the Brethren deprecate this 
measure as one that was likely to cause them serious incon 
venience, to prove hurtful to the welfare of the Christian 
Indians, and to involve themselves in difficulties with their 
neighbors. Their repeated appeals to the Governor, to the 
Assembly, and to the Commissioners for relief were ineffect 
ual. " We are at a loss how to act," Bishop Spangenberg 
writes to Governor Denny, "with those Indians that come 
out of the woods and want to stay at Bethlehem. They 
are very troublesome guests and we should be glad to have 
your Honor s orders about them. Our houses are already 
full and we must be at the expense of building winter- 
houses for them if more should come; which likely will be 
the case if we are to believe the accounts of those who are 
here. Furthermore, we are told that some of our neighbors 
are growing uneasy at our receiving such murdering In 
dians, as they style them. I fear we shall be obliged to 
set watches to keep such of them off as are disposed to 
quarrel with, or may attempt to hurt any of them. Now 
we are willing to do anything that lays in our power for the 
service of that Province in which we have enjoyed peace 
for many years. But we desire your Honor s orders for 
every step we take, and we humbly beg not to be left with 
out them ; the more so as we have reason to fear that an 
Indian may be somehow hurt or killed, which certainly 
would breed new troubles of war. There was a case last 
week to the point, one of the Indians having been fired 
at, when out in the woods a little way from Bethlehem." 
And thus for almost two years (from April of 1756 to April 
of 1758) they were annoyed by the presence of these trou- 


blesome pensioners on the Province. Some of them were 
savages, some were half civilized, and some were renegades 
from the mission. The latter were objects of their special 
commiseration, and it pained them to see such as had 
once publicly renounced the ways of wickedness, in the 
company of those who had taken the lives of their fellow- 
beings in a barbarous warfare. Conspicuous among these 
was the man who led the Delawares and their allies in war 
against the English. This was Teedyuscung. Of him we 
know the following : 

According to his own statement, he was born about the 
year 1 700, in New Jersey, east of Trenton, in which neigh 
borhood his ancestors of the Lenape* had been seated from 
time immemorial. Old Captain Harris, a noted Delaware, 
was his father. The same was the father also of Captain 
John, of Nazareth, of young Captain Harris, of Tom, of Jo, 
and of Sam Evans, a family of high-spirited sons who were 
not in good repute with their white neighbors. The latter 
named them, it is true, for men of their own people, and 
Teedyuscung they named "Honest John;" yet they dis 
liked, and then feared them ; for the Harrises were known 
to grow moody and resentful, and were heard to speak 
threatening words as they saw their paternal acres passing 
out of their hands, and their hunting-grounds converted 
into pasture and plowed fields. These they left with re 
luctance, and migrated westward, in company with others 
of the Turtles or Delawares of the Lowlands, some from 

* The Delawares styled themselves Lenni Lenape, original people, 
that is, an unchanged people. The eastern division of this nation was 
divided into three tribes, the Turtles, or Delawares of the sea-shore 
(lowlanders], the Turkeys, or Delawares of the woods (uplanders], 
and the Wolves, or Delawares of the mountains (Highlanders } , named 
in their language respectively the Unamies, the Unalachtgos, and the 



the Raritan, some from below Cranberry and Devil s 
Brook, some from the Neshannock, and some from the 
mouth of Squan and the meadows on Little and Great Egg 
Harbor. Crossing the great river of their nation,* they 
entered the Province of Pennsylvania in its Forks. This 
was about 1730. Finding no white men here, they gypsied 
unmolested along the Lehietan, Martin s and Cobus Creeks, 
the Manakasy,f the Gattoshacki,J and the Hockendocque, 
all south, and along the Aquanshicola|| and Pocopoco^[ 
north of the Blue Mountain. On crossing this barrier they 
reached the land of their kinsmen, the Wolf Delawares, or 
Monseys. By these hardy mountaineers they were kindly 
received, and with them they would often speak of their 
compulsory exodus from the east, to which the Monseys 
made no reply, but only smiled. 

Scotch-Irish immigrants began to crowd the Delawares 
in the Forks south of the mountain as early as 1735. Two 
years prior whites had surveyed and located unpurchased 
lands in the Upper Valley of the Delaware,** thereby ex 
asperating the Monseys, and engendering in their hearts 

* The Delaware, called the Lenapewihittuck, i.e. the River of the 

f Written variously Menagassi, Monocasy, Monakessi, Manokasy, 
Monockisy, Manakasy, Delaware, signifying a stream with several 
large bends. 

\ Written also Catosacque, corrupted into Catasauqua, Delaware, sig 
nifying the earth is thirsty. 

% Written originally Hackiundachquc, but now Hockendaqua t Dela 
ware, signifying searching for land. 

|| Achquoanschicola, Delaware, signifying the place of fishing with 

]f Corrupted from Pockhapocka. Written also Pohopoka and BTich- 
cabuchka, Delaware, signifying two mountains butting toward one an 
other and separated by a stream of water a water-gap. 

** The Minnisinks, i.e. the habitation of the Monseys or Minsis. 


an implacable resentment, which they cherished long after 
the Turtle Delawares had buried the hatchet and were will 
ing to treat for redress. These highlanders were the war 
riors \vho, moody and sullen, hung back at Trout Creek, in 
July of 1756, when Teedyuscung and his company were 
already in Easton, and engaged in negotiations for peace. 
In September of 1737 the one and a half days walk was 
performed. Captain John and other Fork Indians south 
of the mountain were expelled from their corn-lands and 
peach-orchards in 1742.* Even Moses Tatemy was threat 
ened exile. Thus wrong was being heaped on wrong 
against a day of retribution. 

Zinzendorf s reconnoissance in July of that year intro 
duced the Brethren s missionaries into the homes of the 
Eastern Delawares ; and from that time they preached the 
Gospel to them on both sides of the mountain. Teedyus 
cung too heard them, first on the Aquanshicola and then 
on the Mahoning. Impressed by the words of the plainly- 
clad preachers from Bethlehem, his religious feelings were 
moved, and a time came when he was convicted of sin, and 
then sought for admission into Christian fellowship with the 
Mohicans and Delawares of Gnadenhiitten by baptism. 

The Brethren hesitated long before they acceded to his 
request ; for they tell us that the man was unstable as water 
and like a reed shaken before the wind. Hence they 
granted him a time of probation, and as he reiterated his 
request at its close, they consented to admit him into their 
communion. On the i2th of March, accordingly, he was 

* See minutes of a council held with heads of the Six Nations in 
the Great Meeting House at Philadelphia, July 12, 1742 {Colonial 
Records, also Biidingische Sammhing, vol. ii.), for papers relating to 
the negotiations of the Brethren with Captain John for an amicable 
release to them of his claims on lands at Nazareth. 


baptized in the little turreted chapel on the Mahoning, 
Bishop Cammerhoff administering the rite.* The cere 
mony was performed in accordance with the solemn ritual 
observed among the Brethren at that time in the baptism 
of adults ; and when the straight-limbed Delaware, robed 
in white, rose from bended knee, he rose as Gideon, the 
namesake of "the son of Joash, the Abiezrite, who threshed 
wheat in the wine-press to hide it from the Midianites." 

Thus Teedyuscung became a member of the Christian 
Church, and yet failed, as so many do, to become a Chris 
tian. The lessons of the Divine Master whom he had 
promised to follow proved distasteful to him, as he found 
they demanded renunciation of self, the practice of hu 
mility, the forgiveness of injuries, and the return of good 
for evil. They were different from the doctrines taught in 
the school of Nature in which he had long been educated. 
Hence he ill brooked the restraints imposed upon him in 
the "Huts of Grace," and resisted the influence of the 
Good Spirit that sought to dispossess him of the resent 
ment that burned within his soul when he remembered how 
his countrymen were being injured by the whites, and how 
they had been traduced and were being oppressed by the 
imperious Iroquois. And once when his untamed Brethren 
came down from the Minnisinks to Gnadenhiitten, bring 
ing their unshod ponies and their broken flint-locks to the 
smithy, they opened their hearts to him wide, and took him 
into their councils. These intended war. Telling him that 
the hour was come to prepare to rise against their oppres 
sors, they asked him to lead them and be their king. That 

* In the record of Indian baptisms for the year 1750, Bishop Cam 
merhoff makes the following entry : "March 12. To-day I baptized 
Tatiuskundt, the chief among sinners." His words are "ein /car e 
grosser Sunder." 


was the evil moment in which he was dazzled by the pros 
pect of a crown, and trafficked his peace of mind for the 
unrest of ambition. This was in the spring of 1754. Mo 
hican Abraham also turned renegade, and the two chief 
tains together prevailed with seventy of the congregation 
to remove to Wyoming, there to live neutral or to array 
themselves under their standard. 

Braddock was repulsed on the Monongahela in July of 
1755. Hereupon assembling his Delawares and allied Mo 
hicans and Shawanese at Nescopeck, Teedyuscung marked 
out a plan of the campaign for the coming autumn and 
winter. Its operations were restricted to the walking pur 
chase, within which it was resolved to chastise the English 
first by waging against them a war of extermination. And 
so it came to pass. From their lurking-places in the fast 
nesses of the Great Swamp, the savage warriors, led by their 
King in person, would sally forth on their marauds, strik 
ing consternation into the hearts of the defenseless settlers, 
ruthlessly destroying with torch and tomahawk, and then 
retreating, with what booty and prisoners they had taken, 
into its protecting glades. It threatened to be a repetition 
of the war of Philip and his Pequods. Plantation after 
plantation was pillaged, and before the close of December 
the enemy had overrun the greater part of Northampton, 
and Nazareth was literally on the frontiers. On the ist of 
January, 1756, the Brethren met with a second loss, .for on 
that day Gnadenhiitten East was totally destroyed,* the 
company of Provincials stationed there having been sur 
prised and cut to pieces. 

Such was the warfare that scourged the Province into the 

* The following is a statement of the pecuniary loss sustained by 
the Brethren in the destruction of the farm on the Mahoning and the 
Mission at Gnadenhiitten East: 


early months of 1756, when in March, Government sought 

Appraisement of the United Brethren s Loss, suffered at the hands of 
the Indians, on the Mahoning and at Gnadenhutten. 


s. d. s. d, 

One mare, 7 years old 15 

One do. 10 do 12 

One horse, 10 do 8 

One do. 4 do 15 

Three colts, I year do 9 


Seven cows, past 4 years old 24 10 

Seven do. 4 years old , 21 

Seven heifers, 2 do 17 10 

Seven calves, I year do 5 5 

Two oxen, 2 years old 5 

Three do. 3 do 10 10 

Four do. 4 do 18 

Eight do. 5 and 6 do 40 

141 15 

65 Bu. of oats, bo t the same day @ 2s. 6 10 

n loads of hay, @ 40^ 22 

10 do. rowing do., @ 30^ 15 

5 do. oats, @ 6o.y 15 

2 do. steeped flax, @ 50.5- 5 

I do. hemp I 10 

5- do. wheat, @ 5 25 

4 do. rye, @ 4 16 

I do. barley 3 

500 Ibs. butter 12 10 

10 bu. of meal, @ $s 2 10 

12 do. buckwheat, @ is. &d. I 

3 do. Indian corn, @, 3.? 9 

1*4 do. flaxseed, @ $s. 6d 5 3 

4 do. of beans, @ 4^ 16 

6 do. of salt, @ 35- 18 

24 Ibs. beeswax, @ is. 6d. I 16 

129 4 3 

Carr d forw d 229 19 3 


to propitiate the man who was its chief abettor and most 

* * 

Bro forwd , 229 19 3 

Horse gears, saddles, &c IO 

House and kitchen furniture 9 8 

Clothes, bedding, &c., for 17 persons 294 

Two silver watches and I house-clock 17 

Smith s tools, burnt or stolen II 

A meeting-house (Gemeinhaus) with dwelling rooms.. 200 

A dwelling-house and smith-shop 100 

A bake-house , IO 

A kitchen and watch-house IO 

A dwelling-house 3 

A stable and barn IO 

A spring-house 5 

A store -house 5 

Goods in the store 15 

A grist and saw-mill 200 

8,000 or more feet of pine boards 24 

1638 19 3 


* <* 

Eighteen log-houses, most of them of 

squared logs, @ 6 108 

Twelve Indian cabins, @, 30^ 18 

A large meeting-house with dwelling 

rooms 15 

276 1914 19 3 

Personally appeared before me, Timothy Horsfield, Esq., one of the 
Justices in and for the County of Northampton, George Klein, Joseph 
Powell, Henry Frey, all of Bethlehem in the said county, yeomen, 
and upon their solemn affirmation according to law did respectively 
declare and depose, That they these affirmants had exact knowledge 
of all the articles and particulars contained in the above account, and 
to the best of their skill and understanding do believe the same are 
noted therein at the lowest and most reasonable prices possible ; and 


active in its prosecution. Messengers were now dispatched 
to Teedyusctmg with an invitation to meet his friends, the 
children of William Penn, and to tell them the causes of 
an alienation which was as unexpected as it was calamitous. 
An appeal was also made to the Six Nations to lift up their 
authoritative hand and stay the destroyer. These measures 
proved effectual. Pursuant to them, Teedyuscung met 
Governor Morris in treaty at Easton, for the first time, in 
July of 1756, and Governor Denny in November of that 
year and again in November of 1757. 

These conferences resulted in the pacification of the 
Delaware King, on assurances being given him that his 
grievances should be fully redressed. On these occasions, 
we are told, Teedyuscung stood up as the champion of his 
people, fearlessly demanding restitution of their lands, or 
an equivalent for their irreparable loss, and in addition the 
free exercise of the right to select, within the territory in 
dispute, a permanent home. The chieftain s imposing 
presence, his earnestness of appeal, and his impassioned 
oratory, as he plead the cause of the long-injured Lenape, 
evoked the admiration of his enemies themselves. He 
always spoke in the euphonious Delaware, employing this 
Castilian of the New World to utter the simple and ex 
pressive figures and tropes of the native rhetoric with 
which his harangues were replete, although he was con 
versant with the white man s speech. 

that the above contains a true and just account of the said sufferers 
losses. And further these affirmants say not. 




Taken and affirmed to at Bethlehem y e 4 
1756, before me 



It would almost appear from the minutes of these Con 
ferences, that the English artfully attempted to evade the 
point at issue, and to conciliate the indignant chieftain by 
fair speeches and uncertain promises. The hollowness of 
the former he boldly exposed, and the latter he scornfully 
rejected ; so that it was soon perceived that the Indian 
King was as astute and sagacious, as he was unmovable in 
the justice of his righteous demands. This conviction forced 
itself upon his hearers, and then they yielded to the terms 
he laid down. 

In forming an estimate of his position and of his en 
deavors to maintain it, it should not be forgotten that 
Teedyuscung was contending with a twofold enemy, with 
the English and with the Iroquois. The insulting words 
of Canassatego, spoken to the Fork Delawares in July of 
1742,* had stung him to the quick. Since then he looked 
forward to the time when he should be enabled, after 
having won redress from the English, gained their con 
fidence and then their alliance, to wipe out the blot which 
tarnished the escutcheon of the immemorial Lenape, ever 
since the Five Nations had insidiously made women of 
them. This he failed to do, according to the stern de 
mands of an unjust law, by which the rights of the weaker 
party are made to succumb to the superior power of those 
who are strong in coalition. 

* "Let this Belt serve to chastise you," he said, turning to the 
Delawares. " You ought to be taken by the hair of the head and 
shaken severely till you recover your senses, and become sober. You 
don t know what ground you stand on, nor what you are doing. This 
land that you claim is gone through your guts long ago. We con 
quered you, we made women of you. You know you are women and 
can no more sell land than women. We charge you to remove instantly. 
We don t give you the liberty to think about it, for you are women." 


In the spring of 1 758 Teedyuscimg removed to Wyoming, 
where, agreeably to his request and the conditions of treaty, 
a town had been built for him and his followers by the 
English, in the historic valley on the east side of the Sus- 
quehanna. Here he now lived not unmindful of his long- 
cherished object, and here he was burned to death in the 
night of the i9th of April, 1763, while asleep in his lodge. 
The Iroquois, it is said, were the instigators of this cow 
ardly act, for they hated the man who testified against 
their arrogant assumption and who opposed their lust of 
power. As long as he lived, therefore, he was a standing 
rebuke to their designing oppression, and although they 
no longer dreaded his arms, they feared his words, which 
left their guilty consciences no peace. Hence it was re 
solved in council that he ought not to live ; and when 
news was brought back to Onondaga that the lodge of the 
Delaware King and the lodges of his men of war had dis 
appeared in flames, the perfidious Six Nations triumphed in 
having destroyed an enemy whose spirit they had failed to 

In the historical records following this introduction, the 
reader will find additional notices of the Delaware King 
who was the hero of the war of 1755. The concurrent 
testimony of his time agrees in representing him as a man 
of marked ability, a brave warrior, a sagacious counselor 
and a patriot among his people. Although he was gov 
erned by strong passions, and a slave of that degrading 
vice which was the bane of his race, he was not devoid of 
feeling, being susceptible of the gentler influences of our 
nature. Numerous are the anecdotes extant, illustrating 
his love of- humor, his ready wit, his quickness of appre 
hension and of reply, his keen penetration, and his sar 
castic delight in exposing low cunning or artifice. 


After the suspension of hostilities, and during negotia 
tions for peace, he was much at Bethlehem, and at one 
time fixed his residence there. His attachment to the 
Brethren he openly avowed, expressing his determination 
to keep by them in preference to others of the whites. 
Elsewhere he exulted in being called a Moravian. Although 
he had broken his vows and had been unfaithful to his 
profession, he would frequently, when in conversation with 
the Brethren, revert to his baptism, and feelingly deplore 
the loss of the peace of mind he had once enjoyed. And 
hence we doubt not that there were times when, mar 
shaling his savage warriors for deeds of blood in the 
wild highlands of the Delawares, there would come over 
him a vision of the "Huts of Grace" in the peaceful 
valley of the Mahoning, and of the turreted chapel, in 
which he had knelt in baptism, and which he had entered 
so often on holy days at the sound of the church-going 

The preparation of this piece of history in Pounds, Shil 
lings, and Pence was much facilitated by consulting the 
Colonial Records and the Pennsylvania Archives in con 
junction with the Diaries of Bethlehem and her Indian 
Congregation. By these means the editor has been enabled 
to illuminate what otherwise might have remained ob 
scure, to brighten fading colors, to recall forgotten things, 
and to furnish the reader with a history in short-hand of 
the times to which these records relate. The antiquary 
will find in them occasional genre-pieces, not unlike those 
painted -by Teniers, the elder, and his associates of the 
Flemish school ; or here and there meet with a choice 
morsel, trifling perhaps, and yet such as the true antiquary 
can relish and digest far more effectually than what is 
served up for him in state on the great historian s table. 


Nevertheless a hero makes his appearance even though he 
be a barbaric king. 

Finally, should the editor appear to have at times taken 
too much pains in raising up a dead Indian or Provincial 
private, he has erred, he thinks, not in his calling (for 
the historian is a resurrectionist), but in the zeal with which 
he has followed the pursuit. 



For Supplies and Entertainment furnished to the Christian Indians 
who had fled thither after the massacre on the Ma honing, and to 
Indians who sojourned there with the knowledge of Government, 
pending negotiations for Peace between it and Teedyitsciing, King 
of the Delaware*, 1756 and 1757. 


July 21. Province of Pennsil a to the Stewardsf of Bethlehem, DR. 
For sundries deliv d to above 70 Indians^ 
who escaped from Gnadenhiitten, from 
April I to July 17, 1756, viz.: 

* Two accounts had been presented to the Commissioners prior to 
this one; the first amounting to ^51 QS. 5^^., from November 28, 
1755, to February 28, 1756, and the second amounting to ^13 i8.y. $d., 
from February 28 to April I , of the last-mentioned year. 

Provincial Commissioners at this time were John Mifflin, Benjamin 
Franklin, Joseph Fox, Evan Morgan, and John Hughes. Appointed 
by the Governor " to audit, liquidate, adjust, and settle all accounts, 
claims, and demands held against or made on the Province." 

f Stewards for " the Family," at Bethlehem, were Matthew Schropp, 
John Bechtel, and George Klein. 

J Their names and nationalities were : 


Men. Women. Boys. Girls. 

Jacob, Rachel, Joshua, Anna Johanna, 

Joshua, Bathsheba, Elias, Rachel, 

John, Lorel, Abraham, Rosina, 


2 3 



July 21. For 5.692 Ibs. bread, @, \ l /^d 35 

" 85 X bush 5 Indian corn beside their own 14 

" 540 Ibs. beef, @ ^d 9 

s. d. 
ii 6 
19 3 






John Peter, 






Carr d forw d 59 10 










Anna Johanna. 












Maria Elisabeth 









and three girls 

Anna Justina, 











These refugees were quartered in the "Indian House " that had been 
built in October of 1752, on the west bank of the Manakasy, for the en 
tertainment of visitors from Gnadenhiitten and elsewhere, just above 
the stone bridge that crosses the creek in Water Street. It was 52 
by 40 feet, of one story, and of stone ; and yet within these narrow 
limits the " above seventy who escaped" were domiciled. In the sum 
mer of 1756 a log-house, 63 by 15 feet, containing a chapel, beside 



1756. Bro* forw d 59 10 

July 21. For 1 6 Ibs. dried pork, @ $d , 6 

" 157 Ibs. butter, @ 6d 3 18 

" i bush 1 salt 4 

" 2 gall 5 linseed oil,* (ou, 4s 8 

Carr d forw d 64 

apartments, was built due south of the other. There are old residents 
of Bethlehem who remember the " stone-house." It was removed in 
the early part of the present century. Portions of the tile-pavement or 
floor are remaining. The spring that empties into the creek imme 
diately above the bridge rose in the cellar of the " Indian House." 
The chapel was transferred to Nain in the autumn of 1758, and was 
the place of worship until the erection of a more commodious one in 
May of 1763. 

The missionaries Bernhard A. Grube and John Jacob Schmick, min 
istered to the Christian Indians, and kept school for their children 
during their temporary sojourn at Bethlehem. Occasionally they 
would repair to the Brethren s Chapel to attend divine service. So as 
to lighten the burden they imposed on their benefactors by their 
presence, the men assisted in the labors of the farm, or watched in 
times of danger, and the women plaited baskets and made brooms and 
wooden ware. In the autumn and winter months the former followed 
the chase ; and although they were restricted in this to a small range, 
confining themselves exclusively to Bethlehem lands (for there was a 
strong feeling against Indians in the neighborhood), " it was no un 
common occurrence," says the diarist, " for the hunters to bring in 
two or three deer in a day." They also conducted the shad-fishery in 
the Lehigh, which yielded plentifully. "May 10, 1756, our Indians 
took upward of 2000 shad." Between fifteen and twenty thousand 
was the annual yield. Quantities of these were salted down. In 
March of 1758 there was a pigeon-roost, seven miles above Beth 
lehem, on the Lehigh, whither for fourteen days the wild pigeons 
moved in countless numbers, affording a temporal source of supply for 
the poor Indians. 

* The Brethren at Bethlehem erected a mill for pressing linseed-oil 
early in 1745. It burned down in November of 1763. In 1765, 
Christensen, an ingenious millwright, constructed the works of a 


*. d. 

1756. Bro* forw d 64 7 n 

July 21. For 13 gall 3 soft sope, @ is 13 

For sundries deliv d to y e Indian messengers, 
Newcastle and others, by their going to 

Wayomik. (See Voucher i) 6 5 

For sundries deliv d to y e 4 Indian messengers 
and other Indians, per order of Newcastle. 

(See Voucher 2) 3 13 .7 

For sundries deliv d to Jo Peepy, Nicodemus, 
and others, who came from Diahoga to 

Bethlehem. (See Voucher^] 27 6 7 

For sundries deliv d to y e 4 Indians, viz., 
Samuel, Pachshenoscha s son, his son-in- 
law and one other, as pr. order of Mr. 

Horsfield. (See Voucher 4) 14 3 9 

For sundries deliv d 31 Indians, viz., Tatte- 
waskundt and company who came to Beth 
lehem y e 17 July. (See Voucher^) 5 9 

121 18 

Vouchers belongs to the foregoing Account, 


Province of Pennsil a Dr. to Bethlehem. 
For sundries deliv d to the Indian messengers, 
Newcastle and others, by their going to 

1756. Wayomik,* viz.: s. d, 

June 27. For breakfast, @ 4</. each ....................... I 4 

" 30 Ibs. dried beef, @ $d .................... 12 6 

Carr-* 1 forw d 13 

second, one of a set of mills in the building long known as the u Beth 
lehem Oil and Buckwheat Mill." 

* Cashiowaya, or Kanuksusy, a Six Nation Indian, rendered emi 
nent service to the English, in capacity of messenger to the disaffected 
Indians, on the opening of the war of 1755. When a child he had 
been formally presented by his parents to William Penn, at New Castle. 
In August of 1755, Governor Morris publicly conferred on him the 


* <* 

1756. Bro 1 for\v d 13 10 

June 27. For 7 quarts rum, @ is. ^d 8 9 

" 7 Ibs. English chease, @ 8d 4 8 

" iy 2 bush 3 oats, @ 2s. 6d 3 9 

" ij^ deer skins 18 

" keeping 4 horses from y e 23 June, to y e 

15 July 3 4 

July 15. " Hire of a man to bring up their horses 

to Gnadenhiitten.* 12 


name of Newcastle, in remembrance of that event, addressing him, on 
the occasion, in these words : " In token of our affection for your 
parents and in expectation of your being a useful man in these perilous 
times, I do, in the most solemn manner, adopt you by the name of 
Newcastle, and order you hereafter to be called by that name." He 
confirmed his words with a belt of eight rows. A few weeks after the 
declaration of war against the Delawares (April 14, 1756), Newcastle, 
accompanied by Jagrea, a Mohawk, William Laquis, a Delaware, and 
the Moravian Indian, Augustus, alias George Rex, undertook an em 
bassy to Wyoming, bearing these words from the Governor to the In 
dians there : " If you lay down the hatchet and come to terms, we, the 
English, will no further prosecute the war." He was now on his way 
to Diahoga, with an invitation from the Governor to the Delawares, 
Shawanese, Monseys, and Mohicans, to meet him in conference at 
Conrad Weisser s. His traveling companions were John Pompshire, 
Thomas Stores, and Joseph Michty, Delawares, from New Jersey. The 
four had arrived at Bethlehem on the 1 2th of June. Here they were 
detained until the 27th by the intelligence that " one hundred men 
were gone from the Jerseys on a scalping-party," the Governor of that 
Province having not been advised of the proclamation for a suspension 
of hostilities for twenty days, lately issued by Gov. Morris. 

This hazardous mission to Diahoga, undertaken by Newcastle, was 

* On his return from Diahoga, and when at Fort Allen, he notified 
the Brethren, in approved Indian style, of his arrival, and his horses 
were accordingly taken up to the fort. The Brethren still applied the 
name of Gnadenhiitten to its site. 




Province of Pennsil a Dr. to Bethlehem Store.* 

For sundries deliv d to y e 4 Indian messengers 
and other Indians, per order of Newcastle, 
1756. viz.: s. d. 

June 26. For 4^ Ibs. of tobacco taken with the 4 I 6 

" leather and awls for mending their 

mackisens 2 4 

Carr d forw d . 

effectual in bringing about a conference between the Governor and 
Teedyuscung, at Easton, in July following. This opened negotiations 
for a peace. 

* In July of 1753 a store was opened by the Brethren, for the benefit 
of the " Family," or " Economy," in the west end of the old stone- 
house still standing on Market Street, opposite the Moravian grave-yard. 
It was probably the first store in the Forks of Delaware, and one of 
the few at the time conducted in the rural districts of the Province. 
Most of the wares exposed for sale were of home manufacture. The 
following is an inventory of domestic staples the Brethren proposed to 
contribute toward the stock. It serves to show the variety of indus 
trial pursuits in which their community engaged, and their independ 
ence of others, in consequence, in providing themselves with the neces 
saries and comforts of life : 

" Apron-skins, powder-horns, glue, shoes, slippers, shoe-lasts, 
wooden and horn heel-pieces, saddle-trees, saddles, horse-collars, 
bridles, halters, saddle-bags, girths, pocket-books, martingales, straps, 
stockings, caps, gloves, socks, hats, felt caps and felt slippers, spinning- 
wheels, reels, boxes, guns, tea-caddies, writing-desks, deer and calf 
skins dressed for breeches, buckwheat-groats, oat-groats, barley-groats, 
malt, millet, dried peaches, dried apples, dried cherries, rusks, ginger 
bread, cakes, iron bands for chests, nails, plows, axes, hatchets, grub 
bing hoes, hoes, corn-hoes, grind-stones, whet-stones, punk, flint and 
steel, pipe-stems, pipe-heads, shirt studs, pewter plates, tea-pots, lan 
terns, tallow candles, soap, starch, hair-powder, sealing-wax, wafers, 
tobacco boxes, buckles, buttons, spoons, bowls, shovels, brooms, bas 
kets, wheat, flour, butter, cheese, handkerchiefs, neckcloths, garters, 


* d. 

1756. Bro* forw d 3 10 

June 26. For 2 y ds Osnaburgs, for bags 2 8 

" I ivory comb I 2 

" Cash p d for oats I 3 

" do. p d for powder horns and shot bags 4 

July 18. To Cash p d for tobacco 3 

" i Ib. coffee I 2 

" i doz. pipes 8 

" i p r of knee-buckles deliv d to Newcastle 8 

" 2 Ibs. sugar, @ yd. i 2 

" I Ib. butter 

" 3 pipe heads deliv d to y e Indians, @, is.. 

" Cash p d for shoeing a horse 2 3 

" " p d for a coat for Joseph* i 14 

Carr d forw d . 

knee-straps, linen, white, blue and check woolens, currant-wine, beer, 
whisky, tar, potash, turpentine, pitch, lamp-black, sulphur-matches, 
vinegar, flaxseed, linseed oil, rape seed and oil, nut oil, oil of sassa 
fras, ammonia, rasped deer s-horn, bush-tea, medicine chests, 
brushes, shovels and tongs, chafing-dishes, combs, currycombs, glove- 
leather, leather-breeches, ropes, blank-books, soft-soap, rakes, knives, 
drawing-knives, guitars, violins, tobacco and tobacco-pouches, snuff, 
oil of turpentine, hemp, flax, buckets, milk-pails, tubs, pottery, cotton 
yarn, cord, hatchels, oven-forks, linen nets, augers, hammers, pincers, 
candlesticks, tin ware, chisels, mill-saws, homespun, boots, whips, har 
ness, wheelbarrows, wagons, coffee-pots, chains, canoes, boards, bricks, 
roofing-tiles, lime, preserves and pickles, quills and slate pencils." In 
addition the Bethlehem Store was furnished with " tea, chocolate, 
coffee, brown sugar, loaf sugar, salt, rum, steel, blankets, powder, 
lead, shot, broadcloth, wine, silk neckhandkerchiefs, camlet, silk, iron 
pots, spices, copper and brass kettles, and paper and ink." Joseph 
Powell was the first storekeeper. William Edmonds succeeded him 
in 1754. The stock at this time was valued at .277 3^. 6d. 

* Joseph Michty was a Crossivicks Indian. His companions, Pomp- 
shire and Stores, were respectively from Cross-wicks and Cranberry. 
They had all been with the Brainerd brothers, and were associated 
with Newcastle in the Jate embassy, "being they were among the 
best and the discreetest of the Jersey Delawares." 



Bro* forw 1 ^ .. 





July 18. 

For I p r shoe buckles for Tattewaskundt*. .. 
" I p r stockings deliv^ to To Peepy 




" I p r shoes " " " 




I 3 



Province of Pennsil a Dr. to Bethlehem. 

For sundries deliv d to Jo Peepy, Nicodemus, 
and others who came from Diahoga to 
Bethlehem y e 2jd| of June, 1756, and 
other charges, viz.: 

* Captain Newcastle returned to Bethlehem in the evening of the 
1 7th. With him came Teedyuscung and upward of thirty other In 
dians, men, women, and children, pursuant to the Governor s invita 
tion. This was the first appearance of the chief within the settlements 
since he had taken up the hatchet. On the 1 8th he met Major Par 
sons in conference in Justice Horsfield s office. It was a memorable 
interview, in as far as on that occasion Teedyuscung for the first time 
proclaimed his kingship. His private counselor, Tapescawen, or 
Tapescohung, Newcastle, Captain Insley, from Fort Allen, and a few 
others were present. John Pompshire interpreted. Producing a 
string of wampum whereby to confirm what he designed to say, he dic 
tated this message to the Governor in reply to the invitation he had 
received to meet him in Tulpehocken. " Brother, the Governor of 
Pennsylvania : I have received the word by your messenger kindly. 
Upon it I have come, as you have given me good words, which are 
called council-fire. At the Forks of Delaware we will sit down, and 
wait there, and shall be ready. I am exceeding glad that there are 
such thoughts and methods taken in respect to our women and chil 
dren. I shall I hope be ready to let you know a little further when 
we shall meet. This what I have now in short spoken is not only 
from me, but also from my uncle, the Mohawk (Jhe Six Nations}, and 
from four other nations (the Delawares, Shawanese, Monseys, and 
Mohicans], which in all makes ten, and these ten have but two heads 
of kings between them." 

} These two had come to claim protection of government, declaring 
themselves friends of the English, although it was well known that 



1756- s. d. 
To some expresses to Easton* on their acct. 

per order of Mr. Horsfield 15 

"Acct. an express to his Honor y e Governorf I 10 

Carr d forw d . 

they had taken active part in councils and treaties at the commence 
ment of the war. Not knowing how they would be received, they had 
prudently left their familes a day s journey beyond Fort Allen. New 
castle brought these down under an escort of Provincials, a few days 
later. Both the Governor and Major Parsons were informed by express 
concerning this arrival, and in a letter to the former, Spangenberg 
writes in the following terms : 

" Now to tell your Honor the truth, I do not believe that either Jo 
Peepy or Nicodemus and their families can stay at Bethlehem. We 
have been obliged to put people out of the house to make room for 
them. But this is not all ; there is such a rage in the neighborhood 
against the said poor creatures, that I fear they will mob us and them 
together. For Jo Peepy having lived among the Presbyterians, and 
treacherously being gone from them, hath exasperated them in the 
highest degree. We have put two men with them to be their safe 
guard, but your Honor knows very well that this will not hinder the 
stream when it is coming upon them and us at the same time. I, there 
fore, humbly beg of your Honor to remove the said Jo Peepy and Nico 
demus, and their families, the sooner the better to Philadelphia ; for 

* Easton was laid out in 1750, at the Forks of Delaware, in Bucks 
County, pursuant to an order of Thomas Penn, written to Dr. Graeme 
and Secretary Peters : 

" I desire," writes the Proprietor, " that the new town be called 
Easton, from my Lord Pomfret s house, and whenever there is a new 
county that shall be called Northampton." 

Northampton was erected in 1752. 

f Robert Hunter Morris. Commissioned by the Proprietaries, John, 
Thomas, and Richard Penn, with approbation of the king, their " Lieu- 
tenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Province of Penn 
sylvania, and Counties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex, on Delaware," 
in London, May 14, 1754. Entered upon office October 3, 1754. Re 
tired from office August 20, 1756. 


s. d. 

1756. Brotforw- 1 ................................ 2 5 

To Acct. of victuals deliv d them from y e 23 

June to y e n July, viz.: 

517 Ibs. bread, @ ij^d ........................ 3 4 7 

6i*4 Ibs. beef, @ $d ........................... I 6 

33 Ibs. butter, @ 6d. ........................... 16 6 

17 Ibs. gammons, @ 6d. ...................... 8 6 

3 quarts of salt ................................... 8 

7 bushl 5 Indian corn, @ ^s.6d ............... 146 

24^ gall 5 beer, @ is ........................... I 4 6 

17 quarts of rum, @ I s. ^d. .................. 113 

4 quarts molassis ................................ 3 

108 Ibs. white meal, @, i%d. ................ 13 6 

" victuals deliv d to 4 men who accom 
panied them from Fort Allen p r order of 
Mr. Horsfield .................................. 2 4 

" keeping 5 horses* from y e 23 d June to 
y e 17 July, no pasture being to be had 
near Bethlehem where people would 
answer for y e horses ........................ 463 

Carr d forw d .............................. 16 


there they are in the heart of the country, and mischief may be pre 
vented which could breed evil consequences." 

Jo Peepy, alias Wehololahund, was originally from Cranberry, and 
had been one of Brainerd s Indians. Thence he removed to the 
Aquanshicola. Several members of his family were baptized by the 
Brethren. Immediately before the war he resided among the Scotch- 
Irish of the Craig settlement, near the Lehigh Water Gap. His family 
consisted of Sarah, his wife, and their children, James, Isaac, Sarah, 
Isaiah, and Mettshish. 

Nicodemus, alias Weshichagechive, alias Jo Evans, half-brother of 
Teedyuscung and Capt. John, of Nazareth, was baptized by Bishop 
Cammerhoff, at Bethlehem, June 15, 1749. Withdrew from the mis 
sion at Gnadenhiitten in 1754, returning to the Indian country. Nico- 
demus s family comprised Zacharias, Christian, Nathan, Thomas, Gas- 
hatis, and Dorothea, most of them baptized at Gnadenhiitten. 

Lodgings were given this company in a house near " The Crown." 

* The horses belonging to Newcastle s company. 


5. d. 

1756. Bro l forw d 16 n i l / 2 

To 3 bush 5 oats for y e horses sent to Gna- 
denhiitten for some Indians who was 

a coming 7 

" i Ib. candles 7 

" I gall, soft sope I 

" 2 men s watching to be their safeguard and 
therefore obliged to stay with them day 
and night, from y e 23 June to y e 1 7 July, 
being 24 days, @ 2s. 6d. each per day. 6 

" 3 shirts per order of y e Governor I 7 II 

" 3 blankets " " i 16 

" 3 p r Indian stockings " i 2 6 

Province of Pennsil a Dr. to Bethlehem. 

For sundries deliv d to y e 4 Indians,* viz.: 
Samuel, Pachshinoscha s son, his son-in- 
law, and two others, as p r order of Mr. 
Horsfield,f viz.: 

* A party of Shawanese who had met Newcastle on his way to 
Diahoga, and who were come on a friendly visit, and with a letter of 
recommendation from him. Kolapeka, alias Samuel, was Paxanosa s 
youngest son. His companions were Shekascheno, Mekitshachpe, and 
Wenimah, all Shawanese, formerly of Wyoming. They arrived at 
Bethlehem in the evening of the 5th of July, and during their sojourn 
attended divine worship devoutly. The Brethren were inclined to 
believe, nevertheless, that they had participated in the attack on 
the Mahoning. In course of conversation with Justice Horsfield, 
they stated that nine Indian nations they knew were attached to the 
English. On being asked how the Delawares were disposed, the 
speaker replied, " About them I can say nothing." Their arrival, and 
the intelligence they gave, were duly reported by express to the Gov 
ernor. They set out for Fort Allen, under escort, en route for their 
homes, on the nth, taking with them a string and a message from the 
Governor to King Paxanosa, inviting him to come to Philadelphia. 
While at Bethlehem they were lodged in the store-building. 

f Timothy Horsfield, whose name appears repeatedly on these re- 


s. d. 

For 4 shirts .......................................... I 17 6 

" 6 yds. linnen for bags, and making ....... 9 

" 8 Ibs. tobacco, @ $d. ........................ 2 8 

" 4 blanketts, @ 12s ........................... 2 8 

" 3 yds. of strowds, @ los ..................... I 10 

" 4 quarts salt .................................... 7 

" 2 expresses to his Honor, y e Governor, 

pr. order of Mr. Horsfield ............... 324 

" 2 expresses to Easton ........................ 5 

" victuals deliv d them from y e 5 to y e 1 1 

July, being 6 days, @ is. each per day I 4 

Carr d forw d 10 19 

cords, was born in Liverpool, O. E., in April of 1708. He immi 
grated to America in 1725, and settled on Long Island. Here he 
married Mary Doughty in 1731. His first religious impressions were 
received, he tells us, under Whitefield s preaching; and his connec 
tion with the Brethren dates from his acquaintance with Bishop Nitsch- 
niann and Peter Bohler, in the winter of 1741. He placed his children 
at the Brethren s schools prior to his removal to Bethlehem in 1749. 
Here he built the east end of the old stone-house on Market Street, 
opposite the Moravian grave-yard. His residence on Long Island was 
now rented by the Brethren, and became the seat of a " Family," or 
"Economy for Pilgrims." In May of 1752 he was appointed a 
Justice of the Peace for the newly-erected County of Northampton, 
along with Thomas Craig, Daniel Brodhead, Hugh Wilson, James 
Martin, John Van Etten, Aaron Depui, William Craig, and William 
Parsons, by Governor Hamilton. This office, as well as a lieut.-colo- 
nel s commission that he had received early in the Pontiac war, he 
resigned in December of 1764. A number of letters written by him 
to the Governor and other officials during the disturbed times of the 
Indian wars are preserved in the Archives of the State, and have 
been published in the Colonial Records. Mr. Horsfield s position 
enabled him to render the Brethren s interests material service. He 
deceased at Bethlehem, March 9, 1773. The late Dr. Thomas Hors 
field, Librarian of the East India House, London, and author of 
Plantce Javanica rariores, was a grandson. Other descendants are 
living at Bethlehem. 


!75 6 - s. d. 

Bro* forw d 10 19 I 

For 4 quarts beer i 

" keeping 2 men with them as a safe 
guard, 6 days,* @ 2s. 6d. per day.... i 10 
" 160 Ibs. meal deliv d them at their de 
parture, @ i%d. pr. Ib 16 8 

" victuals given to 6 men who went with 

them to Gnadenhiitten 5 

" 6 quarts beer 2 

" their horse 6 

" victuals deliv d to do. by their return 5 

" 6 quarts beer 2 

" hay and oats I 

" the entertaining of an express from Gna 
denhiitten i 6 


Province of Pennsil a Dr. to Bethlehem. 

For sundries deliv d to 31 Indians, f viz., to 
Tattewaskundt and company, who came to 

1756. Bethlehem y e 17 July, viz.: s . d. 

To an express to Easton 5 

Carr d forw d .. 

* This precaution was rendered necessary by the hostile state of 
feeling prevalent in the neighborhood in reference to the Indians. 

f This company had been joined on its way from the Indian country 
by Joachim and his wife and Anton s mother-in-law all formerly of 
Gnadenhiitten. Joachim, who, since the dispersion in the night of the 
24th of November last, had been living along the Susquehanna, con 
firmed the truth of a report that had reached the Brethren in reference 
to the fate of Susanna Nitschmann, supposed by them to have lost her 
life with the other inmates of "the Family" on the Mahoning. He 
stated as follows : That she had been taken prisoner to Wyoming; that 
there, on meeting with the Sisters Sarah and Abigail, she had piteously 
implored their aid; that thence she had been conveyed, in midwinter, 
to Diahoga, where, after having been subjected to the horrors of In- 


1756. s - d - 

Bro forwd 5 

To earthenware 3 

" 2^ doz. spoons, @, 5.? 12 6 

" victuals deliv d them and 4 soldiers who 
came w th them, viz.: 

24 Ibs. butter, @ 6d 12 

40 do. beef, pease, &c 18 10 

8% gall 3 beer 8 9 

1 7^ do. milk, @ Sef ii 8 

Indian corn meal 2 

170 Ibs. bread, @ i X^ l l 3 

" I bridle 4 

" the hire of 2 men to be with them 2 days, 

2.r. 6^. each 10 


dian captivity in its most revolting form, she had sunk into deep 
melancholy, death releasing her from suffering on the Qth of May last. 
Joachim furthermore stated that he had conversed much with her, and 
could testify to her fate and end. 

Teedyuscung and his companions were escorted to Easton on the 
iQth, pursuant to the Governor s order, issued to Major Parsons. 
" The Council approved the Governor s letter to that officer, in which 
he ordered him to remove such friendly Indians as were or should 
come to Bethlehem, to Easton, as there was no room at the former 
place, as the Moravian Brethren were uneasy, and as there were no 
troops stationed there." Minutes Prav. Council, July n, 1756. 

Nicodemus, Jo Peepy, and families were suffered to remain at Beth 
lehem, they having expressed themselves desirous of living near their 
former friends. 




Province of Pennsil a to the Stewards of Bethlehem, DR. 
Aug. 1 6. For sundries delivered about 80* Indians 

from ye 17 July to y e 14 August, 1756, viz.: s. d. 

For 1491 Ibs. bread, @ i */ 2 d. 964 

" 332 Ibs. beef, @ 4^. 5 Io 3 

" 3 10 gal^ milk, @ Set 10 6 8 

" 4 do. sope, @ is 4 

" I do. linseed oil 4 

For the sum of the account 

deliv d y e 17 July last ^121 18 

Off, cash p d per W m Ed 
monds, for Joseph s coat i 14 

120 4 
For sundries deliv d to Tattewaskundt and 

company, &c. (See Vottcher i) ............. 10 14 

For sundries deliv d Jo Peepy, Nicodemus, 
&c. from y e 18 July to y e 3 d August. (See 
Voucher*) ........................................ ! 5 

For sundries deliv d Capt. Newcastle and 

company. (See Voucher 3) .................. 4 14 

For sundries deliv d on acct. of y e treaty with 
y e Indians at Easton in July last. (See 
Voitcher 4) ................................... . ..... 13 5 

July 21. For an express to his Honor y e Governor, p r 

order of Mr. Horsfield ................... i 

Carr* 1 forw d ............................ 165 

* The refugees from Gnadenhiitten, and returned converts. 


1756. s - 

Bro forwd ............................. 165 4 

July 21. For cash laid out for to bear Indians* to 

Philadelphia, per Mr. Edmondsf ...... 2 5 

" a shirt for Indian Benjamin,;}; per order 

of Maj. Parsons. \ .......................... 12 

Carr d forw d ............................ 168 

* Newcastle and some of Teedyuscung s companions from Diahoga, 
whom William Edmonds escorted to Philadelphia. The former was 
the bearer of the King s invitation to Governor Morris to meet him in 
conference in the Forks. 

f William Edmonds was born October 24, 1708, at Colford, Glou 
cestershire, O. E. His father was a merchant, and the family were 
attached to the Established Church. William learned skin-dressing in 
Monmouth. In 1736 he immigrated to America, established himself 
in business in New York, and in 1739 married Rebecca de Beauvoise, a 
French Huguenot. She bore him four children. He became attached to 
the Brethren in 1741, and joined their Society in New York. After 
the decease of his wife, in 1749, he made a voyage on the " Irene," to 
Holland and England, serving on board in capacity of cook. In 1749 
he removed to Bethlehem. In March of 1755 he married Margaret 
Anthony, of New York. In October of that year he was elected to the 
Assembly from Northampton. Until the close of the " Economy," he 
resided at Bethlehem, serving " the Family" as tradesman, shopkeeper, 
and in various ways in his public capacity. In 1763 he removed into 
the neighborhood of Nazareth, and commenced a store in Bushkill 
Township, at "the Rose." Thence he was called to Nazareth, in 
1772, to conduct the Society s store opened in that village. Here he 
deceased September 15, 1786. Descendants of his are residing in 
Bushkill, Northampton County. Seven of his great-grandsons, sons 
of Squire Edmonds, of Bushkill Township, above Filetown, entered 
the service of the United States in the war of the Rebellion. 

J One of Teedyuscung s company, "an impudent, forward youth, 
who had enlisted in the Jersey Companies, and afterwards deserted, 

William Parsons became a resident of Easton in 1752. In Decem 
ber of that year, he tells us, the incipient capital of the new county of 
Northampton numbered eleven families, who proposed staying there 
during the winter, and then ventures the hope, that when the Prison is 



I75 6 - Bro forw 4 ..... 168 2 

July 25. For mending 8 gun locks for Capt. Arndt s 

company T 6 

" mending 2 do. for Capt. Wetherhold s 

comp> 7 

" medicines for Capt. Arndt, and curing 

on one of his soldier s hand i i 

" an express to his honor y e Governor in 

New York... -> 

fonv d 173 

going over to the enemy Indians at Diahoga." Three members of the 
Council, having been sent to notify the King (Easton, July 24, 1756) 
that the Governor was come, on attempting to use John Pompshire, 
" one of the best and discreetest of the Jersey Indians," as interpreter, 
he, the King, produced the aforesaid Benjamin as his choice, where 
upon Pompshire declared he would not be concerned in interpreting if 
Benjamin were allowed to speak. Pompshire subsequently became 
the King s favorite interpreter. 

finished (it was under roof) there would be an increase in the popula 
tion ! Parsons had been a shoemaker in early life. During his resi 
dence in Philadelphia, between 1734 and 1746, he was Librarian of 
the City Library. In 1743 he was appointed Surveyor-General. Ill 
health compelled him to resign this office in June of 1748. In 1749 
he was a Justice of the Peace in Lancaster County. December 29, 
1755, he was appointed Major of all troops to be raised in Northampton 
County, with Easton as his head-quarters. "As I think," writes James 
Hamilton to Captains Martin and Craig, from Easton, December 29, 
J 755> " it: will be for the good of the service in general that the troops 
raised in Northampton County should be under the care and superin 
tendence of a field-officer, I have, with that view, in virtue of the 
power granted me, appointed William Parsons, Esq., to be Major of 
the said troops." His immediate command, however, was a Town 
Guard of twenty-four men, stationed at Easton. Held the office of 
Prothonotary, Clerk of the Courts, Recorder, Clerk of the Commis 
sioners, and Justice of the Peace. Deceased at Easton in December 
f 1757- Much of Parson s correspondence is in the Archives of the 
State, and valuable for its historical information. 


1756. Bro 1 forw d ............................. 173 6 lo 1 

Aug. 2. To the tavern, for victuals deliv d 2 soldiers 

of Capt. Wetherhold s compy ........... I 8 

II. For mending 5 guns for Capt. Reinhold s 

compy* ....................................... i 6 

" medicines deliv d to do ....................... n 6 

To the tavern, for victuals deliv d to a ser 
geant from Fort Allen, f and oats for his 
horse.... .............. ..................... 2 2 


* These were detachments of the Provincial forces on their way to 
or on their return from the Treaty held at Easton, July 28 to July 31. 

f Fort Allen, the first of a cordon of stockades or block-houses 
erected in the Indian wars for the protection of the frontier along the 
line of the Blue Mountain, from the Susquehanna to the Delaware. 
The most important of these rude defenses were Forts Hunter, Henry 
William, Allen, Norris, Hamilton, and Hyndshaw, following from 
southwest to northeast in the order given. Fort Allen was built in 
January of 1756 by Franklin, and stood on the right bank of the Lehigh, 
nearly opposite the mouth of Mahoning Creek, where Weissport was 
commenced by Colonel Jacob Weiss in 1785. The well of the fort, 
sixteen feet deep and four in diameter, walled with cobbles from the 
river, is on the premises of the Fort Allen House, and well preserved. 
How the great philosopher came to enlist in the service of Mars, and 
with what composure he exchanged the pen for the sword, he tells us 
as follows : 

" The Governor prevailed upon me to take charge of our Northern 
frontier and to provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising 
troops and building a line of forts. I undertook this military business, 
although I did not consider myself well qualified for it. He gave me 
a commission with full powers. I had but little difficulty in raising 
men, having soon 560 under my command. My son, who had, in the 
preceding war, been an officer in the army raised against Canada, was 
my aid-de-camp, and of great use to me." Preparatory to moving on 
the frontier, Franklin, in company with his colleagues, Fox and Ham 
ilton, with a detachment of fifty men, visited Bethlehem for the first 


time, on the i8th of December, 1755. He made this place his head 
quarters from January 7 to January 15, 1756, and then marched for the 
Lehigh Gap. The diarist tells us that the Colonel dined with the heads 
of the Brethren on the roth, and was entertained with music. On the 
nth he attended the Sunday s sermon which Bro. Abraham Reincke 
preached from I. John, iii. 8. He gives the following account of his 
visits and sojourn at Bethlehem. " In order to march to Gnaden- 
hiitten, which place was thought a good situation for one of the forts, 
I assembled the companies at Bethlehem, the chief settlement of the 
Moravians. I was surprised to find it in so good a posture of defense ; 
the destruction of Gnadenhiitten had made them apprehend danger. 
The principal buildings were defended by a stockade ; they had pro 
cured a quantity of arms and ammunition from New York, and had 
even placed a quantity of paving stones between the windows of their 
high stone houses, for their women to throw down upon the heads of 
any Indians that should attempt to force into them. The armed breth 
ren too kept watch, and relieved each other as methodically as in any 
garrisoned town. In conversation with the bishop, Spangenberg, I 
mentioned this my surprise ; for knowing they had obtained an Act of 
Parliament exempting them from military duties in the Colonies, I 
had supposed they were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. 
He answered that it was not one of their established principles, but 
that, at the time of obtaining that Act, it was thought to be a principle 
with many of their people. On this occasion, however, they, to their 
surprise, found it adopted by but a few. So it seems they had either 
deceived themselves or deceived Parliament; but common sense, in 
duced by present danger, will sometimes be too strong for whimsical 
opinions. On my return I was at their Church, where I was enter 
tained with good music, the organ being accompanied with violins, haut 
boys, flutes, clarionets, &c. The sermon I heard was to the children, 
who came in and were placed in rows on benches ; the boys under the 
conduct of a young man, their tutor, and the girls conducted by a 
young woman. The discourse seemed well adapted to their capacities, 
and was delivered in a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as it 
were, to be good. They behaved very orderly, but looked pale and 
unhealthy, which made me suspect they were kept too much within 
doors, or not allowed sufficient exercise. The Moravians furnished 
me five wagons for the conveyance of our tools, stores, baggage, &c. to 
Gnadenhiitten." Autobiography of Ben. Franklin, edited from his 
MS. by John Bigelow. Philadelphia, 1868. 


" To day we hoisted your flag," writes Franklin to Governor Morris, 
January 26, 1756, " made a general discharge of our pieces, which had 
been long loaded, and of our two swivels, and named the place For 
Allen, in honor of our old friend. It is 125 feet long, 50 feet wide, and 
the stockades, most of them, a foot thick. They are three feet in the 
ground, and twelve-feet out, pointed at the top." The fort stood near 
" New Gnadenhiitten," which had been recommended by Spangen- 
berg as an eligible site for a defensive work. The following is the cor 
respondence that passed between him and the Secretary of the Pro 
vince on the subject : 

BETHLEHEM, Nov. 1755. 

DEAR SIR, I write to you at this time about a subject which is not 
so very proper for me. You will excuse it, however, considering that 
at this time every one who is concerned for the public welfare should 
be at liberty to speak his thoughts, though it is not his place or office. 
You will have heard of the mischief done at the Mahony by the In 
dians, whereby not only our houses, barns, stables, stores, &c. were 
laid into ashes, but eleven of our people cruelly killed, scalped, and 
burnt. You will also have heard that all the Indians and white peo 
ple who lived in Gnadenhiitten fled for their life to Bethlehem (where 
they are still), leaving behind them all they had in the world. Since 
that time I have considered that if Gnadenhtitten is emptied and left 
to the enemy it may prove the ruin not only of all the settlements lying 
along the Lecha and Delaware, but also of Philadelphia. For troops 
may be marched from Wyomik to Gnadenhiitten in one day, and if 
they take possession thereof, they can run down with freshes in six 
hours to Bethlehem, and from thence to Philadelphia in one night. I 
therefore have mentioned this matter to the Magistrates of this County, 
and have represented unto them the great calamity which could be 
brought upon the whole country by the loss of that part of the Province. 
For the situation of the hill which joins Gnadenhiitten is so extraor 
dinary for a fort, that gentlemen of judgment who have seen it are of 
opinion there could be no better. 

It lies in the road (Indian path) which comes from Wyomik, and 
commands not only the Lecha a great way, but all sides, up and down, 
before and behind. 

If the French once come and build there a fort, it will cost as much, 
if I am not mistaken, as the taking of Crown Point to get it out of their 
hands. For if they put a garrison in the Gaps of the mountain, and 


make there also a fortification, you cannot come at them at all with any 
great guns. But they can at pleasure come down both by land and 
water and overrun all plantations, not only on the other side of the 
Blue Mountain, but on this side also. I therefore think that place 
should needs be kept and well secured for our Government by a fort, 
as well as a good garrison. If the Government will accept of ten acres 
of land so favorably situated for such a fort from the Brethren at Bethle 
hem, poor as they are, having sustained such a loss, they are willing to 
give them freely. But we do think that as there are at least fifteen little 
habitable block-houses, it will be good to send up men before the enemy 
either burns or takes them. 

I am, dear sir, 

Your humble servant, 


To this letter the Secretary replied as follows : 

PHILA., Dec. 5, 1755. 

I think myself favored by your letter, and have done my utmost to 
represent the situation of Gnadenhutten to be a very important one, 
and accordingly the Governor and Commissioners have agreed to build a 
wooden Fort there, and would be glad if the Brethren would undertake 
the superintending of it. Many marks of Divine displeasure manifest 
themselves every day and presage a heavy blow. May God, through 
his Blessed Son and Holy Spirit, sanctify this afflicted state of things 
to our reformation and sanctification. My prayers will never cease for 
all orders, that however they may differ in speculation or in rites and 
ceremonies, we may all agree to love Christ and one another, and look 
up to Heaven in the decent use of means for protection and deliver 

I am, dear sir, your 

affectionate humble servant, 




Vouchers belongs to the foregoing Account. 


Province of Pennsil a to Bethlehem, Dr. 

1756. * 

July 1 8. For sundries deliv d to Tat- 
tewaskundt and company, 
&c., viz.: 

*. *. 
138 Ibs. bread, @ \y^d. 17 3 

50 Ibs. beef, @ $d. 16 8 

29 Ibs. gammons, @> 

$y 2 d 13 sX 

10 Ibs. butter, @ 6d..... 5 

1 6 gall 5 milk, @ &/..... 10 8 

I bridle 4 

3 6 

For mending 4 guns 10 

" 1 8. To the tavern for 18^ gall 5 

beer 18 6 

For victuals deliv d to Tat- 

tewaskundt, &c I 6 

" 8 quarts beer 2 

" 2 boles punch* 3 

I 15 

" 19. For eating and drinking deliv d to 2 soldiers 

from Easton I 4 

" hay and oats for their horses, pr. order 

of Mr. Horsfield I 2 

" eating and drinking deliv d to 12 soldiers, 
5 meals, who came from Easton to 
fetch Tattewaskundt and company.... I 9 

Carr d forw d 6 13 4 

* On the evening before setting out for the Treaty. 


s. d. s. d. 

1756. Bro forwd 6 13 4^ 

July 30. For an express to Easton.... 5 

Aug. i. *To the tavern for 14 quarts 

beer 4 8 

" 10. For an express to Easton 5 

" II. To the tavern for victuals 
deliv d to 5 soldiers from 
Easton, who went with 
some Indians to Gnaden- 

htttten 6 8 

For provisions for y e In 
dians.... 6 10 


Carr d for\v d 8 i 6 

* On the evening of the 3ist of July the Indians began to pass 
through Bethlehem on their return from the Treaty. This had form 
ally opened on Saturday the 28th. 

Besides the Governor, and William Logan, Richard Peters, Benjamin 
Chew, and Jno. Mifflin, of his Council, and the Commissioners, Josh. 
Fox, Jno. Hughes, and William Edmonds, there were present officers 
of the Royal American Regiment, a detachment of the Provincial forces, 
magistrates of the Province, and a deputation of Friends from Phila 
delphia. The Indians were represented by Teedyuscung and fourteen 
other chiefs, principally Delawares. Conrad Weisser was interpreter 
for the Six Nations, and Ben "y e Indian who speaks English," in 
terpreter for the Delawares. Pompshire and Peepy were also in at 
tendance. The results of the conference, which closed on the 3 1st, 
were not definitive, although Teedyuscung gave the assurance " that he 
would exert himself faithfully and to the utmost of his power in the 
service of the Province, hoping," he added, "that matters would be 
brought to a happy issue, that there might be a firm friendship and a 
lasting union between the Six Nations and the people of Pennsylvania, 
and that they might be one man." Captain Newcastle, furthermore, 
was formally appointed agent for the Province in negotiations with 
the hostile Indians, and, in conjunction with the King, " invested with 
the authority to do the public business." 

It was designed to hold this Treaty at Bethlehem. The messenger 


1756. Bro l forw d ............................... 8 I 

Aug. ii. For 2 men s watching 3 days, @ 2s. each 

per day ............................................ 15 

" 13. For sundries deliv d to Tattewaskundt s son,* < 
&c., per order of Mr. Edmonds, viz.: 

* ^ 
Shoeing 2 horses ........ 3 

Bread and meat at their 

departure ............... 5 3 

Mending a gun lock and 

knife ..................... 6 

To the tavern for eating and 

drinking ...................... 16 8 

For a p s . of leather for mend 

ing shoes .................. 3 

" i man s watching, i^ 

days, @j 2s. 6d ....... 3 9 

i 17 

10 14 

(Daniel Kunkler), who, on the 2 1st July, had been dispatched to 
Philadelphia, with an account of the interview held with the King in 
Mr. Horsfield s office, returned on the 23d with a letter from Governor 
Morris to Spangenberg, in which the Governor writes : " On commu 
nicating to the Council my purpose of treating with the Indians at 
Easton, many reasons were offered, which convinced me that that will 
by no means be a proper place, I therefore find myself laid under the 
necessity of countermanding my orders to Mr. Parsons, and of appoint 
ing the Treaty to be held at Bethlehem, and therefore request the favor 

* Teedyuscung had three sons, Amos, the oldest, Kesmitas^ and 
John Jacob. The first, Tachgokanhelle, was baptized at Gnadenhiitten 
by Bishop Cammerhoff, December 14, 1750. He was then twenty- 
two years of age. His wife, Pingtis, a sister of Agnes Post, was bap 
tized on the same day, and received the name of Justina. She was a 
Jersey Delaware. Amos was fitting out for an embassy in behalf of 
his father to the Alleghanies. 



Province of Pennsil a to Bethlehem, Dr. 

For sundries deliv d Jo Peepy, Nicodemus, 
&c., from y e 1 8 July to y e 3d August, 

1756, viz.: 



423 Ibs. bread, @ i%d. 

2 12 


59 Ibs. beef, @ 4 </.... 



32 Ibs. butter, @ 6</.. 


I bush 1 Indian corn... 



3 " white meal, @ $s. 


115 gall 5 milk, @ &/... 



>r 2 quarts salt . 

19 gall 5 beer 

14 quarts rum, @ is. ^d. 



" 15 " beer, @ 3 </... 

" 8 " " @ 4</..... 
July 1 8. To the tavern for victuals 
deliv d 4 men, evening and 
morning, who came from 
Easton with Maj. Parsons 
on acct. of Jo Peepy,* &c. 

Carr d forw d . 

of you and the Brethren to afford me and my attendance what accom 
modations are in your power, which I do not mean shall be attended 
with any expense to you." Preparations were being made by the 
former for the reception of the promised visitors, when the Indians 
reiterated the wish they had first expressed to meet the Governor " at 
the Forks;" and to this he finally assented. Anthony Benezet, and 
others of " the deputation from the inhabitants of the City of Philadel 
phia of the people called Quakers," visited at Bethlehem and at the 
" Upper Places" after the Treaty. They were much interested in the 
Nursery, or Institute for Children, into which the children from all 
the settlements of the Brethren had been gathered in this time of alarm. 
* Pursuant to an order from the Governor to escort him and the 
other Indians who had arrived from Diahoga to Easton. 


s. d. s. 

1756. Bro forwd 8 15 

July 1 8. For hay and oats for 5 

horses 4 7 

" hay for 3 horses for 5 

days 10 

" hay for 4 horses for 8 
days, @ 8d. each a 

day 114 

" hay for 5 horses, for 3 

days 8 6 

2 4 
For 6 qts. rum, @ is. 3^/... 7 6 

" medicines 15 6 

" 2 men s watching 7 
days, @ 2J. 6</. each 

pr. day I 15 

" I man s watching for 9 

days to inst 126 



Province of Pennsil* to Bethlehem, Dr. 

1756. s. d. s . d. 

For sundries deliv d Capt. 
Newcastle* and company. 
July 17. To the tavern for 4 gall 5 beer 4 

->j u " " 2 " 2 

Carr d forw d . 

* Newcastle returned to Bethlehem at the close of the Treaty, and, 
" on the 3d of Aug.," says the diaiist, "the faithful old chief, who had 
ventured his life for the restoration of peace, set out for his home. He 
took with him the Indians who had been here occasionally during the 
past two weeks, and was accompanied to Gnadenhlitten by Nicholas 
Garrison, Jr." 


s - d - 

1756. Bro 1 forw d 6 

July 311 For hire of 3 horses to PhiK and back, @ 

7-r. 6ct. each I 2 6 

Aug. 2. For I quart good milk 3 

" i saddle ^i 

" 3. " hay and oats for their 

horses 3 days 9 4 

" 18 quarts beer 6 

" mending4guns 156 

3 10 

li I man s watching, 2 days, @ 2s. 6d. 5 

Province of Pennsil a to Bethlehem, Dr. 


For sundries deliv d on acct. of y e Treaty 

with y e Indians at Easton in July last. 
July 25. For hire of a man to go with y e Governor s 

soldiers* to Easton 

" 4200 white wampums, old and new, of 

y e best sort, @ y. pr. ct.f 6 

Carr d forw d 6 n 

* A detachment of the First Battalion of the Pennsylvania Regi 

j- The Brethren were generally well provided with this species of 
currency, for use in their intercourse with the Indians. " New York, 
March 26, 1749," writes Bro. Kingston, " Bro. Boemper will bring 
the wampum you wrote for, along. I have procured of the wampum- 
maker 1000 white, @ i los., and 1000 black, @ 2 5*." The 
Jersey Indians were skillful artificers in wampum. 

Newcastle, in the course of the Treaty, advised the Governor to 
accept the belt that Teedyuscung had offered him, without hesitation, 
stating that it had been sent by the Six Nations to the Delawares, and 
that it ought to be preserved among the Council Wampum. At the 


s. d. 

1756. Bro forwd 6 n 

July 27. To y e tavern for sundries deliv d Mr. Conrad 

Weisser s compy as pr. bill 4 18 6 

To y e doctor for curing Capt. Newcastle.*... I 10 
For hire of 3 horses to Easton, @ 2s. each.. 6 

13 5 

same time, he urged the propriety of returning another by way of re 
sponse. " The King," he proceeded, " will want abundance of wam 
pum, and if he has it not, the cause will suffer. I hope the Council- 
bag is full, and desire it may be emptied in the lap of Teedyuscung." 
Hereupon the Secretary was ordered to bring all the wampum he had 
into Council, and there were found to be 15 strings and 7 belts, and 
a parcel of new black wampum, amounting to 7000 pieces. There 
being no new white wampum, nor any proper belt to give in return 
for Teedyuscung s Peace Belt, a messenger was sent to Bethlehem, 
and he returned with 5000. Upon which the Indian women were em 
ployed to make a belt of a fathom long and sixteen beads wide, in the 
center of which was to be the figure of a man, meaning the Governor 
of Pennsylvania, and five figures to his right, and five to his left, mean 
ing the ten nations mentioned by Teedyuscung. Colonial Records. 

* " The day before the opening of the Treaty, Newcastle came to 
the Governor and stated that the Delawares had bewitched him, and 
he should soon die. Teedyuscung he declared had warned him, in a 
friendly manner, that he would not live long, having overheard two 
Delawares say they would put an end to his life by witchcraft. The 
Governor endeavored to show him that he was in no danger, but he 
made no impression, Newcastle insisting that this information be com 
mitted to writing and inserted in the Minutes of Council and com 
municated in a special message to the Six Nations. Easton, Jtdy 
28. To the surprise of everybody, Captain Newcastle was seized this 
morning with a violent pleurisy and thought to be in great danger, 
but on losing some blood and taking proper physic, the violence of 
the distemper abated, and he recovered. " Pennsylvania Archives. 

Late in October, Newcastle returned to Philadelphia from an em 
bassy to the Six Nations, to whom he had been dispatched to inquire 
into the character and credentials of Teedyuscung. He reported these 
words from one of their principal counselors, " The Delaware chief 


Copy of Conrad Weisser 1 ** Bill. 
The Commissioners of Pennsil a to the Inn 
keeper at Bethlehem Ferry, Dr. July 27, 


For supper and breakfast for 48 men, Con 
rad Weisser and compy, including hay for 
y e horses 3 I 

On their return from Easton 
for dinner to the same 
comp> i 17 6 


4 18 6 
I Aug* Nicholas Schaefer.f 


The above acct. left unpaid by me, amount 
ing to four pounds eighteen shilling and 


did not speak truth when he told the Governor he had authority from 
the Six Nations to treat with Onas." Soon after, he was taken ill 
of smallpox, and died during the Governor s absence at the second 
Treaty, held in Easton. Here his decease was publicly announced, 
and a string of wampum and eleven black strouds given the Indians 
in behalf of the Province to remind them of the " good man who had 
been very instrumental in promoting the good work of peace, and to 
wipe away their tears, and take grief from their hearts." Colonial 

* Conrad Weisser was commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel 1st Bat 
talion Pennsylvania Regiment on May 5, 1756. "Upon the present 
exigency of affairs, as Mr. Weisser is known to be well attached to his 
Majesty s government, and to have distinguished himself by raising a 
large body of men to oppose .the incursions of the enemy and to de 
fend the several parts of the county where he resides that lie most 
exposed to their depredations, it was judged proper to give him the 
command of the companies that should be raised in that county (Berks), 
and accordingly the Governor executed a commission, appointing him 
Colonel of the forces that were raised and should be raised in said 
county." Minutes Provincial Council, October 31, 1755. 

f A son of Michael Schaefer, of Tulpehocken. Succeeded J. God- 


1756. DATED SEPTEMBER n, 1756. 

Province of Pennsil a to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 

1756. s. d. 

Aug. 14. For the sum of the account deliv d 200 14 5 

Sept. ii. For sundries deliv d 82 Indians* from y e 14 

August to n Sept r , viz.: 

1840 Ibs. bread, @ i %d. 9 n 8 

304 Ibs. beef, @ 2*/ 2 d 334 

45 /4. bush 5 Indian corn deliv d since y e 17 

July, their own being consumed, @ 3^.6^. 7 19 3 

159 gall 5 milk, @ 8</ 5 6 

3 quarts linseed oil @ is 3 

2 gall 5 soft sope, @ is 2 

2 Ibs. candles, @ *jd I 2 

2 bushl 5 pease, @ 6s 12 

26 18 5 
To the Bethlehem Tavern, for sundries. 

(See Voitcher i) 1252 

To the Bethlehem store, for sundries. (See 

Voucher i) 18 6 

Aug. 15. For an express to bring y e Indians Christian 

and Samuelf to Phila 226 

" 17. For 3 bushl 5 meal deliv d Tadyuscund and 

company, @ 55 15 

Carr d forw d 42 19 

frey Grabs, at "the Crown," in April of 1756. Schaefer s wife was 
Jeannette, the oldest daughter of Isaac Ysselstein. Frederic Schaefer, 
who deceased at Nazareth in 1830, was a son. 

* The refugees from Gnadenhiitten. 

j- Two Moravian Indians, formerly of Gnadenhiitten, who had come 
from Diahoga, and who, at their request, were escorted to Phila 


* d- 

1756. Brotforwd 42 19 7 

Aug. 23. For an express to his Honor y e Governor 
with letters, being obliged to wait several 

days for y e Governor s* answer 2 5 10 

Carr d forw d 45 5 5 

* This express was the bearer of the following congratulatory letter 
and memorial from Spangenberg to Lieutenant-Governor William 
Denny, who had recently arrived from England, with his commission 
from Thomas and Richard Penn : 


We, his Majesties most dutiful and Loyal Subjects, Members of the 
Unitas Fratrum, residing in Northampton County and Province of 
Pensylvania, and our United Brethren in said Province, having with 
pleasure heard of Y r Hon rs safe Arrival in Philadelphia, cannot but 
return Almighty God Thanks for his gracious Preservation of Y r Hon r 
on your Voyage at this Time of Danger. 

We beg Leave to congratulate Your Honour at your Entrance on 
this important Station, which so immediately concerns the Welfare of 
so many Thousand People, and especially at this critical Juncture, and 
we thankfully receive You as a Minister of God, appointed from above, 
to the Deterring and Obstructing of Evil, and to the Encouraging and 
Promoting of that which is good. 

W r e also thank his Majesty, our most gracious Sovereign King, 
George the Sec d , for his paternal care towards this Province, as also 
towards all other the Territories (which the Lord of Lords and King 
of Kings has entrusted to him), demonstrated in sending Wise and 
Prudent Governors, in his Name faithfully to promote the Welfare of 
this Country. May his Majesty enjoy a long and happy Reign over 
us ! and let all the Enemies of his Royal Family be as Chaff before the 
Wind, and as Stubble before the Fire. 

We gratefully acknowledge that we have hitherto lived under this 
Government with Contentment, and esteem ourselves happy that we 
reside in a Country furnish d with such good Laws, govern d by so 
wise a Sovereign, and which, by the Regulation of the late Hono ble 
Proprietor, W m . Penn, Esq re , of happy Memory, has a Pre-eminence, 
and if the Proprietor 3 Governor and Country harmonize together, 
(which is our earnest wish) might become the Flower of America. 

The English Nation, as it is in general of generous Principles, not 


s. d. 

1756. Bro* forw d 45 5 5 

Aug. 23. For an express to Easton 5 

" 27. To the tavern for sundries deliv d to Pennsil a 
Regiment, as pr. receipt of Mr. Conrad 

Weisser* 5 3 n 

Carr d for\v d 50 14 

forcing any one s Conscience or restraining his Liberty, but leaving the 
Hearts to God, has also been so favourable to our Brethren, as by an 
Act of Parliament to exempt such of them as conscientiously scruple 
the Taking of an Oath, and the Bearing of Arms. And to the Praise 
of this Govern 1 , we must declare that they have hitherto dealt with us 
agreeable to the Same, having forced none of us either to take an Oath 
or go to the War. 

Our principal Endeavour has been to delight the Heart of our dear 
Lord Jesus Christ, and to live to his Honour, whom we adore as our 
Creator, and who also was manifested in the Flesh, became a Sacrifice 
for us, and redeemed us from the Dominion of Sin and Satan by his 
own Blood. And we hope that our Labour has not been in vain, 
although we must confess that we are infinitely indebted to Him 

Our next Concern has been to make the Offices of Govern* (which 
are in themselves heavy enough) as easy and light as possible to the 
Magistrates, and under them to lead a quiet and peaceable Life in all 
Godliness and Honesty. And to order our Matters with such Decorum 
and Industry, that our Fellow Subjects, instead of Complaint against us, 
might be rather induced to thank God for sending hither the Offspring 
of those Confessors, of whom many Hundreds boldly seal d with their 
Blood that Truth which they knew to be the Word of God. With re 
gard to this Point, all those who know us right, will, we hope, have a 
favourable opinion of us. 

Thirdly, ever since we came into the Country, our hearty desire has 
been for the Furtherance of the Gospel among the poor Heathen, who 
are the most miserable Slaves of the Devil, and worship him still as 
their God. In order to bring them effectually acquainted with the 

* " AugTist 26. Col. Weisser, with a detachment, passed through to 
the frontiers." Bethlehem Diarist. 


* <*. 

1756. Bro forw d 5 H 4 

Sept. 3. For an express to bring Shikellimy* and his 

wife to Phila., expenses, horse hire, Sec ... 3 15 


Way of Life, which is Jesus Christ, that is, to believe on Him, to love 
Him, and to be obedient to Him. Our blessed Saviour has also given 
some success to this our undertaking, by rendering through the Gos 
pel many a Monster (for such they are till they come to Him), not 
only humanized, but also Lovers of their Creator. And a little Flock of 
such Indians there are living with us in Bethlehem, and ever since 
the commencement of the War, having from the Beginning desired and 
enjoy d as Children the Protection of this Government. We beg leave 
herewith heartily to recommend them to Y r Honour s Protection and 

As to the Recompense we have had from the Savages for all the Faith 
fulness shewn to them, for all our dangerous Journeys to them, and 
Perils among them, it need not now be related, it being already noto 
riously known. Yet this shall not discourage us from proceeding to 
use our best Endeavours to bring those poor Creatures, possess d by 
more than One Demon, to Faith in Christ. 

We conclude with recommending this and all other Our Congrega- 

* John Shikellimy, alias Tachnachdoarus, son of old Shikellimy, 
and his wife, reached Bethlehem on the 1st of September, from Dia- 
hoga, en route for Philadelphia, whither he had been summoned by 
the Governor. While at the former place, he was examined by " David 
Zeisberger, a Moravian Brother, who speaks the Indian language well," 
in the presence of Justice Horsfield. He reported the condition of 
affairs in the Indian country, stated that " in the previous winter the 
Six Nations had sent many belts to the Delawares and Shawanese de 
siring them to leave off doing mischief, that at last they were obedient, 
that Teedyuscung was the only person who had incited the Indians 
against the English, that the Six Nations were highly displeased with 
him, but that now he had altered his mind and spoke very much to the 
English interest to the Indians." Shikellimy was at this time an agent 
for the Province in its business with his countrymen. 


Vouchers belongs to the foregoing Account. 

Province of Pennsil a to Bethlehem Tavern,* Dr. 
1756. s. d. 

Aug. 15. For victuals deliv d 2 In 
dians and 2 soldiers, even 
ing and morning, who 

came from Easton. 6 

"5q ts beer I 8 

" l^ q ts rum I 10 

Carr d forw d . 

tions in this Province to Y r Honour s kind Favour and Protection, at 
the same time sincerely beseeching God to give Y r Honour Wisdom, 
Courage, and Success in all your Undertakings, for the good of the 
Country during your Administration in Government. 

We are, with all Respect, Y r Honour s 

most obedient and humble Serv ts . 
BETHLEHEM, August 21, 1756. 

Sign d in behalf of the above mentioned Members of the Unitas 
Fratrum and their United Brethren. Joseph, alias Augustus Gottlieb 
Spangenberg, Ordinarii Unitatis Fratrum Vicarius Genera/is in 
America. m , p. p. 

The Governor in his reply thanked the Brethren for their good 
wishes, and assured them of his purpose to protect their interests and 
their persons in this time of danger, as far as lay in his power. The 
bearer of the above address was also intrusted with a letter from 
Spangenberg to the late Governor Morris, in which he returned thanks 
to him for the regard that he had had for himself and the Brethren 
during his term of office. 

* " The Crown" (die Krone), originally the cabin of a Swiss squatter, 
Ritsche by name, who settled on the south bank of the river in 1742. 
In February, 1743, the tract of 274 acres, on which he was seated, was 
purchased by the Brethren of Win. Allen. They bought the squatter 
off and out, leased the premises to one Anton Gilbert, from German- 
town, then to one Adam Schaues, and in 1745, after having enlarged 


* d. 

1756. Bro 1 forw d 

Aug. 1 8. For eating evening and 
morning, deliv d to King 
Tadyuskund,* 6 Indians, 
and 2 soldiers, who es 
corted them from Gna- 
denhutten ..................... 4 

" rum and punch .............. 4 

" I5q ts beer .................... 5 

" hay and oats for 3 

horses .. c 

Carr d forw d i 7 

the building, opened it for public entertainment. It was stocked in 
May of that year with gill and half-gill pewter wine-measures, with 
2 dram-glasses, 2 hogsheads of cider, I cask of metheglin, I cask of 
rum, 6 pewter plates, iron candlesticks, and whatever else could min 
ister to the creature comforts of the tired traveler. Here he was 
served with a breakfast of tea or coffee at four pence, a dinner at six 
pence, a pint of beer at three pence, a supper at four pence, or if hot 
at six pence ; with lodgings at two pence, and night s hay and oats 
for his horse at twelve pence. Jost Vollert was the first landlord for 
the Brethren. The succession of publicans to the close of this piece 
of history was as follows : Hartmann Verdries, J. Godfrey Grabs, 
Nicholas Schaeffer, and Ephraim Culver. In 1794 the sign-board, em 
blazoned with the British Crown, that had often served as a mark for 
the arrows of the wild Indian boys of " Teedyuscung s company" was 
taken down and* the old hostelry converted into a farm-house. It 
stood near the site of the Union Depot of the Lehigh Valley and North 
Pennsylvania Railroads until about 1860. At an early day the Brethren 
had built several houses near the Crown, and thus a small settlement 
sprung up on the south side of the river. A school for girls, and sub 
sequently one for boys, " atif der Gedidd," was temporarily conducted 
here in 1747. 

* " In the evening of August 17, Teedyuscung, who since the Treaty, 
had been loitering by Fort Allen, returned to Bethlehem with a few of 


s. d. 
1756. Bro* forw d I 76 

Aug. 1 8. For victuals deliv d I soldier 
from Gleissen s* who es 
corted Nathaniel and com 
pany to Bethlehem, and 
hay and oats for his horse I 10 

Sept. II. " victuals deliv d to Na 
thaniel,! his wife, and 2 
children, and I other In 
dian, from y e 13 August 
to y e ii Sept r , being 29^ 

days, @ 4J. p r day 5 13 

" keeping his horse from 
y e 13 Aug 1 to y e ii Sept r , 
@ 8</. per day 19 4 

6 14 

victuals and drink, hay 
and oats for y e soldiers 
that escorted y e King Tad- 
yuscund s wife and family 
from Fort Allen to Beth m 2 6 

Carr d forw d . 

his associates, for the twofold purpose of enticing his niece Theodora 
away, and of prevailing with our Indians to accompany him to Dia- 
hoga. He set out for the Fort next day, without having accomplished 
his object. On the 2ist his wife and children arrived. The King they 
stated was gone to the Minnisinks to arrest his Indians there in their 
depredations." Bethlehem Diarist. 

* Quaere Where was Gleissen s? 

f These were Moravian Indians who had withdrawn or been en 
ticed from the mission at Gnadenhiitten, in the summer of 1755, and 
had gone up the Susquehanna. Nathaniel, a Delaware from Tenk- 
hanneck, twenty miles above Wyoming, had been baptized by Bishop 
Cammerhoff, May 17, 1749. His wife was Priscilla. The third 
Indian was Thamar, Anton s mother. They were quartered at " the 



s. d. s . d. 
I75 6 - Brotforw* 1 26 842 

For victualing ye king s 
wife* and 3 children from 
y e 21 Augs toy 6 n Sept r , 
being 21 days, @ 2s. bd. 
per day 2 12 6 

2 15 

( eating, beer and rum deliv d Shikellimy 

his wife, and 2 soldiers from Fort Allen 14 

( eating evening and morning, deliv d to 

7 soldiers from Fort Allen, who brought 

2 prisoners-) 

beer do 

hay and oats for 

to Easton 


. r 


>r do... 





12 5 


Province of Pennsil a to Bethlehem Store, Dr. 
1756. For sundries, viz.: 

July 5. y 2 lb. cotton wick deliv d for Fort 

Carr d forw d 

* Her Christian name was Elisabeth. Baptized March 19, 1750, by 
Martin Mack, at Gnadenhutten, on the Mahoning. In the evening of 
August 21 she had been escorted from Fort Allen, in accordance with 
her wish to reside at Bethlehem while in the settlements. She and her 
children were quartered at " the Crown." 

t Quaere Corporal Weyrick and Lieutenant Miiller for insubordi 
nation ? See Penn. Archives, vol. i. pp. 749 and 754. 

J Fort Norris, named for Isaac Norris, Speaker of the Assembly, 
was built in the spring of 1756, on Head s Creek (Hoth s), in Chestnut 
Hill Township, Monroe County, not far from the site of the Weque- 
tanc Mission. " It stands in a valley, midway between the North 
mountain and the Tuscarory, 6 miles from Each on the high Road 
towards the Minnrsink, it is a Square about 80 f l Each way with four 



. forw d ................................ 

July 5. For 3 quires paper deliv d to Capt. Insley,* 

per order of Mr. Horsfield .............. 3 

" i half gallon measure.. 26 

" i funnel, deliv d per 

order of Mr. Hors 

field for to measure 

rum for y e Forts ...... 2 


21. " 2 quires paper deliv d for Fort Norris ..... 
o-. 14. " 5 q ts linseed oil ........... 5 

Ib. cotton wick 

Deliv d per order of Maj. Parsons for y e 

men posted at Easton. 

Sept. 7. " i quire paper deliv d for Capt. Arndt sf 
compy ........................................ 


half Bastions, all very Completely Staccaded, and finished, and very 
Defenceable, the Woods are Clear 400 yds. Round it, on the Bastions, 
are two Sweevle Guns mount d, within is a good Barrack, a Guard 
Room, Store Room, and Kitchen, also a Good Well. Provincial 
Stores , 13 g d Muskets, 3 burst Do., 16 very bad Do., 32 Cartooch 
boxes, 100 Ibs. Powder, 300 Ibs. Lead, 112 Blankets, 39 Axes, 3 
Broad Do., 80 Tamhacks, 6 Shovels, 2 Grub Hoes, 5 Spades, 5 Draw 
ing knives, 9 chisels, 3 adses, 3 Hand Saws, 2 Augers, 2 Spliting 
knives. July 2 nd , 1756. 


"Comissy Gen 1 of y e Musters." 

The well of the old fort may yet be traced on the property of Wil 
liam Serfass. 

* Joseph Insley, Sr., Captain of one of the Associated Companies in 
Bucks County. Pennsylvania Archives, vol. ii. p. 20. His son, Joseph 
Insley, Jr., was the ensign in his father s company. 

f Jacob Arndt, of Bucks County, acting commandant of Fort Allen, 
commissioned Captain of 1st Battalion Pennsylvania Regiment, April 


Copy of Conrad Weisser s Receipt belong^, to the foregoing Account. 
The -Account of the Expenses of the officers 
of Pennsil 3 Reg 1 to Lieut.-Col. Weisser, 
Maj. Parsons, and Capt. Insley, with 18 
private men, including the disserters from 
the French-Indian, and hay and pasturing 
to 14 horses at the In of Bethlehem, amt^ 
in the whole to five pound three shilling 
and eleven pence. Augs* 27, 1756. 

The above is a true account. 




Province of Pennsil a to the Steward of Bethlehem, Dr. 

1756. s. d. 

Nov. 22. For y e ballance of acct s deliv d 118 I i 

" sundries deliv d Tadyuskund s family 

from y e 1 1 Sep r last. (See Voucher i) 5 7 7^ 

" sundries deliv d Nathanael and family 

since II Sep r last. (See Voucher 2}. 536 

" sundries deliv d Sam Evans and com 
pany. (See Voucher 3) 18 2 

forw d 129 10 

1 8, 1756. Assigned to the command of Fort Allen, October 9, 1756. 
Major of troops at Fort Augusta (Sunbury) in 1758. In 1760, Mr. 
Arndt purchased a mill-seat, three miles above Easton, on the Bush- 
kill. Christensen, the millwright at Bethlehem, and projector of the 
first water- works at that place, built Arndt s mill. In October of 1764, 
Mr. Arndt was elected captain of an independent company, raised in 
his neighborhood for home defense against the Indians. In 1774 he 
was appointed one of a Committee of Northampton, to co-operate with 
the Committees of other counties of the Province, for the purpose of 
convoking a General Congress of Committees, which should devise 
means for resisting the Boston Port Bill. In 1776, a member of the 
Executive Council of Pennsylvania. Deceased at Easton, Pennsylva 
nia, in 1805. 


J- d. 
1756. Bro* forw d 129 10 4^ 

Nov. 22. For sundries deliv d Nicodemus and family 
since they came up from Phil a . (See 

Voucher 4) 2 12 5^ 

To the tavern at Bethlehem for sundry enter 
tainment. (See Voucher 5) 5 12 i^ 

" the smith at Bethlehem. (See Voucher 6) I 9 
" the doctor at Bethlehem. (See 

Voucher 7) I I 6 

" Bethlehem store for sundries. (See 

Voucher 8) 4 15 

H5 5X 

Off 5^., being paid by Capt. Reynolds for 
repairing a gun which y e Province was 
charged 14 Aug 1 last 5 

J 44 15 5X 

Vouchers belongs to the foregoing Account. 

Province of Pennsil a Dr. to Bethlehem. 
For sundries deliv d Tadyuskund s family 

from y e n Sept r last, viz.: 

1756. To the tavern for victuals, &c., to y e I Oct r , s. d. 
being 20 days, @ $s. $d. per day ............ 368 

And then since Oct. I. 

126 Ibs bread, @, i^d ..................... 13 ij 

15 Ibs. beef, @ 2/ 2 J ........................ 3 \ 

6 Ibs. pork, @ -$d ............................ I 6 

6X Ibs. butter, @ 6d ........................ 3 \ 

54 q te milk, @ \y z d. ......................... 6 9 

\y t bush. Indian corn, @ 2s .............. 2 6 

I quart beer ................................... 4 

I pint cydar .................................... 2 

2 Ib. candles ................................. 4 

Carr d forw d .............................. 4 17 7X 


s - d - 

1756. Bro* forw d 4 17 7^ 

Oct. 30. To hire of a waggon to bring them to Easton* 10 


Province of Pennsil a Dr. to Bethlehem. 
For sundries deliv d Nathanael and family 

since Sept. n last, viz.: 
To the tavern for victuals &c. to y e I Oct., 

being 20 days, @ 2s. 8d. per day.. 2134 

And then since y e I Oct. 

174 Ibs. bread, @ i%d. 18 i 

38 Ibs. beef, @ 2 l /d 7 11 

6 Ibs. pork, @ 3^ I 6 

7 Ibs. butter, @ 6d. 3 6 

78 q te milk, @ l%d. 9 9 

I^ bush. Indian corn, @ 2s 2 3 

I pint beer 2 

I gall, cydar I 

I pint rum 7 

}4 lb. candles 4 

Nov. 1 1. To hire of a man and horse for brings Ruthf 

and her children to Easton... c 

* On request of Teedyuscung, who had arrived there for the im 
pending Treaty. " Last night (October 29), in pursuance to your orders," 
writes Weisser to Gov. Denny, " I arrived here (Easton); about a 
quarter of an hour after my arrival came in Teedyuscung. The old man 
appeared extremely glad to see me, and so was the rest, especially three 
of the Six Nation Indians. They told me that several of their cousins, 
the Delawares, stood back at Gnadenhiitten, and some further off, till 
they should understand whether or no it would be safe for them to 
come." Colonial Records. 

f Ruth, formerly of Gnadenhiitten, who had for some time been 
quartered with her family at " the Crown." She was accompanied 
thither by most of the other Indians, all desirous of being present at 
the Treaty. 




1756. Province of Pennsil a Dr. to Bethlehem. 
Nov. 22. For sundries deliv d Samuel Evans * and com 
pany, viz.: s. d. 

76 Ibs. bread, @ i%d. 7 II 

9 Ibs. beef, @ 2.y z d I 

2^ Ibs. butter, @ 6d. I i 

37 quarts milk, @ I y z d. 4 7 

\y 2 Ibs. pork, @ 3d. 4 

y& bush. Indian corn, @ 2s 3 

I pint beer 2 

4j quarts cydar I 6 

y 2 lb. candles 4 



Province of Pennsil a Dr. to Bethlehem. 
For sundries deliv d Nicodemus and family 
since they came up from Phil a .-j- viz.: 

* Sam Evans, a Delaware, a half-brother of Teedyuscung, who had 
come with the King to Easton, arrived at Bethlehem on the 3ist of 
October. He and his family were quartered at " the Crown" during 
their stay. Father and mother came to see their daughter Theodora, 
who was an inmate of the " Single Sisters House." They had an 
affecting interview at the Indian quarters at the Manakasy in the 
presence of missionary Schmick. " I rejoice to see you, my daughter," 
said her mother; "you have many blessings which are denied me; 
you have meat and drink, and I suffer privation." "Dear mother," 
responded the maiden, "while I lived at Gnadenhutten wicked In 
dians came and killed the white Brethren and Sisters, and I then 
wished to go to Bethlehem and be happy there. And my wish has 
been granted. And the Saviour too has been merciful to me. He 
has filled my heart with love toward him and the congregation, and I 
thank him from the bottom of my heart." 

f Nicodemus and family had left for Philadelphia early in August. 
Fear of small-pox, prevalent among the Indians there, was the cause 
of their return. 


1756. * d. 

7 4 lbs. bread, @ i%d 7 8^ 

32 Ibs. beef, 2>^</ 6 8 

2^ Ibs. butter, @, 6</ I 3 

23 quart milk, @ I X^ 2 IO >2 

2 bush 1 Indian corn, @ 2s 4 

^ Ib. candles 4 

I gall, cydar. I pint rum I 7)4 

9 Ibs. white meal. I q t salt I 6 

For attending y e above families each day 
since y e I Oct., being 53 days, @ 6d. per 

day I 6 6 

2 12 5 2 7 


Province of Pennsil a to the tavern at Bethlehem, Dr. 
For sundries deliv d sundry other Indians 

and soldiers, viz.: 

Oct. 13. " victuals &c. deliv d 2 soldiers and some 
Indians from Easton, per order of Mr. 

14. " victuals deliv d some soldiers and Indians 

from Easton 

" hay and oats for their horses, pr. order of 
Maj. Parsons 

15. "115 Ibs. bread deliv d sundry Indians who 

came from Easton, @ I }^d. 

27. " y e Indian Peter* and family, eating and 
drinking, evening and morning, pr. 
order of Mr. Horsfield 

Carr d for\v d 

* Alias Young- Capt. Harris, half-brother of Teedyuscung, formerly 
of Gnadenhutten. Baptized at that place January 31, 1750, by Bishop 
Cammerhoff. Peter, Sam Evans, Christian (son of Nicodemus or 
Jo Evans), and Tom Evans were, according to Henry Hess s depo 
sition (taken during the sessions of the second Treaty at Easton), of 
the party headed by Teedyuscung that surprised his father s planta- 


s. d. 

1756. Bro forw d 19 

Oct. 29. For eating and drinking for Jeremiah Trexler, 
and hay and oats for his horse, per order 

of Maj. Parsons 2 

30. " entertainment deliv d 4 Indians from 
Easton, with their horses, pr. order of 

Mr. Horsfield 5 4 

Nov. 17. " sundries deliv d Capt. Reynolds,* Lieut. 
Wetherhold,f i ensign, I soldier, &c., 
which came with y e Indians from y e 
Treaty^; at Easton, viz.: 

Carr d forw d I 16 

tion in Lower Smithfield, on January I, 1756. Pennsylvania Archives, 
vol. iii. p. 56. 

* George Reynolds, commissioned Captain 1st Battalion Pennsyl 
vania Regiment, May 17, 1756. In command of a company of Pro 
vincials raised in Lebanon Township, Lancaster County. An ancestor 
of the late Major-General John Fulton Reynolds, who fell at the 
battle of Gettysburg ? 

f Jacob Wetterhold, commissioned Lieutenant in Major Parson s 
Town Guard, December 20, 1755. A captain in the Pontiac war. 
Surprised with a detachment of his men in the night of October 7, at 
John Stinton s public house (now Simon Laubach s, a mile and a 
quarter northwest of Howertown, in East Allen), mortally wounded, 
and died at Bethlehem, October 9, 1762. Was buried in the grave 
yard south of the Lehigh. 

The following is an account of the attack on Stinton s tavern from 
Gordon s History of Pennsylvania. " The captain designing to proceed 
to Fort Allen early next morning, ordered a servant to get his horse 
ready. On leaving the house he was immediately shot down by the 

J On Monday the 8th of November, the second Treaty with Teedy- 
uscung was opened at Easton. Besides the Governor, and Wm. Logan 
and Rich d Peters of his Council, there were present of the Commis 
sioners, Benjamin Franklin, Joseph Fox, Wm. Masters, and John 
Hughes; of the officers of the Provincial Forces, Lieut. -Col. Weisser, 



i 16 






Carr d forw d 

2 8 


enemy ; upon which the captain on going to the door was also mor 
tally, and a sergeant, who attempted to draw him in, dangerously 
wounded. The lieutenant then advanced; whereupon an Indian 
jumping on the bodies of the two others, presented a loaded pistol to 
his breast, which the lieutenant putting aside, it was discharged over 
his shoulder, and in this way he succeeded in getting the Indian out 
of the house. The savage then went round to a window and shot 
Stinton, as he was in the act of getting out of bed. The wounded 
man rushed from the house, ran a mile, and dropped down dead. 
His wife and two children meanwhile secreted themselves in the 
cellar, and although they were fired upon three times, they were un 
injured. The captain, notwithstanding his wound, crawled to a win 
dow and shot one of the Indians who was in the act of firing the 
house. The others took up the dead body of their comrade and left." 
Next day the dead and wounded Provincials were taken to Bethle 
hem. The dead were buried on the " Burnside plantation," on the 

Maj. Parsons, Capt. Wetterhold, Capt. John Van Etten, and Capt. 
Reynolds ; also Lieut. McAlpin and Ensign Jeffreys, Recruiting Offi 
cers of the Royal Americans, and a number of gentlemen and free 
holders from the several counties, and from the city of Philadelphia. 
Teedyuscung, the Delaware King, was attended by sixteen of his 
nation, four Six Nation Indians, two Shawanese, and six Mohicans. 
John Pompshire interpreted for the King. Teedyuscung opened the 
Conference by stating that he had kept the promise made by him at 
the last Treaty, having since then informed all the Indian nations of 
the disposition of the English for peace. On being asked by the Gov 
ernor whether he the Governor or the Province had ever wronged 
him, and why he and his Indians had struck the English, the Dela 
ware proceeded to state that the false-hearted French King had tarn- 


t. d. 

1756. Bro* forw d 284^ 

Nov. 17. Hot supper of meat &c. for 41 Indians I 6 

46 q ts beer 15 4 

2 q ts wine for y e King 4 

Hay for 14 Indian horses and 2 q ts oats for 

y e King s horse 7 3 

Carr d forw d 4 15 

pered with the foolish young men of his people; but chiefly they had 
taken up the hatchet because the English had defrauded them of their 
land. " / have not far to go for an instance" continued the speaker; 
"this very ground that is ttnder me" (striking it with his foot) "was 
my land and my inheritance, and is taken from me by fraud. I mean 
all the land lying between Tohicon Creek [a stream heading near 
Quakertown and emptying into the Delaware, fifteen miles east of 
that place] and Wyoming" The Governor, hereupon offering him 
redress, Teedyuscung closed the Conference by stating that he was 
not empowered to accept of it, that he would meet the Governor 
at some future time, that then he would lay before him the extent of 
his grievances, and they could treat for a settlement of all disagree 
ment and for a lasting peace. 

"Late in the afternoon of the I7th, after the close of the Treaty, 
Governor Denny and his suite arrived at Bethlehem. Having been 
shown the objects of interest in the town, they visited the Indian 
quarters at the Manakasy. Here they were formally received by our 
Indians who had been drawn out in line before their dwellings. The 
Governor manifested gratification at the reception given him, addressed 
the Indians with marked friendliness, and stated his satisfaction at the 
arrangements in their quarters. At nine o clock he sat down to sup 
per, during which he was entertained with music. On the morning 
of the 1 8th, the visitors set out on their return. Bro. Spangenberg 
conducted them as far as the ferry, passing between two lines of chil 
dren and Brethren and Sisters, who had been drawn out in front of his 
lodgings on the Square. The trombonists performed from the terrace 
of the Single Brethren s House until the Governor and his retinue had 
crossed the river. In the evening of the previous day, a few Indians 


* * 

1756. Bro 1 forw d . 4 15 5^ 

Nov. 17. To y e baker for no Ibs. bread at their de 
parture II S 1 A 

For eating and drinking deliv d I soldier, 
with an express to Readingtown,* from his 
Honor y e Governor, with hay and oats for 
his horse... 5 2 

under escort of Lieut.-Col. Weisser and a detachment of troops arrived 
from the Treaty on their return to Diahoga, and passed the night." 
Bethlehem Diarist. " I left Easton about four o clock," reports 
Weisser in the Journal of his proceedings, kept by order of the Gov 
ernor, "accompanied by the officers of the Escort and Deedjoskon, 
Pompshire, Moses Deedamy, and two more Indians on horseback; we 
reached Bethlehem after Dark, and after the Soldiers and Indians 
were quartered at the Publick Inn this side of the Creek, I gave Deed 
joskon the slip in the Dark, and he went along with the Rest to the 
said Inn, and I stayed at Mr. Horsfield s, having acquainted the offi 
cers with my Design, and gave the necessary Order before hand. On 
the 19 th the Soldiers and Indians rose early and got ready to march, 
Deedjoskon could not get his Wife away, she wanted to stay in Beth 
lehem, because for his debauched way of Living, he took all the Chil 
dren but one from her; at the Brethren s Request I interceded, and 
prevailed upon her to go with her husband. We left Bethlehem by 
Ten of the Clock." 

"Nov. 1 8th. Toward evening a number of Indians arrived from 
Easton and were lodged in part in the town and in part on the other 
side of the river. We enjoined it on our Indians to remain at their 
quarters. Nov. iQth. Teedyuscung signified his wish to Bro. Schmick 
that Elisabeth and the children accompany him to Diahoga. To this 
she consented with reluctance. Sam Evans s wife bade adieu to her 
daughter Theodora." Bethlehem Diarist. 

* The town of Reading was laid out in the autumn of 1748 on a 
tract of 450 acres of land, for which warrants had been taken out by 
John and Samuel Finney in 1733. 



Province of Pennsil a to the smith* at Bethlehem, Dr. 
1756. s. d. 

For shoeing I Indian horse I 

" mending a gun for Capt. Arndt s compy I 6 

" " for Capt. Wetherhold sf compy 6 6 

" making a spring for a trap for y e Indian 
Smallman,J per order of Mr. Hors- 

field 5 

" making 3 screws for an Indian, per order 

of do 2 

" stocking Sam Evans his gun, &c., pr. 

order Maj. Parsons 13 

Province of Pennsil a to the Doctor^ at Bethlehem, Dr. 

Nov. 22. For curing a soldier s shoulder belonging to 

Capt. Arndt s compy, per his order 10 

Carr d forw d 10 

* Daniel Kliest, smith, from Frankfort-on-the-Oder. Came to 
Bethlehem in May of 1749, with a large colony of Brethren, known 
as "John Nitschmann s Colony," on the Irene, on her first return 
voyage from Europe. Master locksmith to the Family. On its abro 
gation in 1762, Daniel Kliest bought the locksmithy, stock on hand 
and tools being appraised at ^64 js. Deceased at Bethlehem in 
March of 1792. 

f John Nicholas Wetterhold, commissioned Captain 1st Battalion 
Pennsylvania Regiment, December 21, 1755. 

J Quaere Johnny Smalling, or Swalling, a grandson of the King, 
present at the first Treaty ? 

\ John Matthew Otto, born 1714, in Meinungen. Studied medicine 
and surgery at Augsburg. Came to Bethlehem on the Irene, with 
" Henry Jorde s Colony," in June of 1750. For thirty years physician 
and surgeon of the Brethren s settlements. A skillful operator. De 
ceased at Bethlehem in August of 1786. 


s - d - 

Bro forw d IO 

For medicines deliv d Capt. Wetherhold 

" Capt. Reynolds 4 6 

Capt. Arndt l 6 

Province of Pennsil a to the Bethlehem Store, Dr. 
Oct. 14. For sundries deliv d y e Indian messengers, 
Zaccheus and George,* per order of Maj. 
Parsons, viz.: 

2 pair of buckles, @ is. %d 

j I 

3 large blankets, @ I y I 1 9 

2 pr. men s shoes 5 

2 y ds of blue strouds for stockings I I 

1 knife, pipes, &c 

2 Ibs. powder, @ 3$. >d. 7 

4 15 

* Zaccheus and George, Delawares. The first, formerly of Gnaden- 
hiitten They were messengers sent by the King to Maj. Parsons, 
and had arrived at Easton on the I ith of October. Their errand was 
to ascertain the state of feeling on the part of the Government in refer 
ence to Teedyuscung, he reporting by them that since his return to 
the Indian country he had received three words and three belts, pur- 
porting to come from Sir William Johnson, by all of which he had 
been warned against the English; that he and four other chiefs and a 
large number of Indians were arrived at Wyoming, desirous of coming 
down to a Treaty, and that as a token of the sincerity of his purpose 
he had sent with the messengers the prisoners taken in Smithfield, 
Henry Hess, William Weeser, and George Fox, and also Samuel 
Clifford. Furthermore, he desired that Elisabeth, his wife, should be 
permitted to accompany the messengers from Bethlehem, on their re 
turn At the King s request, Augustus, and Joshua (the same who had 
accompanied Count Zinzendorf to the Susquehanna) were invited by 
Maj. Parsons to be present at the delivery of his message. Bro. 



Province of Pennsil a to the Steward of Bethlehem, Dr. 
Jan. 21. For sundries deliv d 82 Indians since y e n 

Sept. last, who reside at Bethlehem, viz.: s. d. 

7511 Ibs. bread, @ i^d. 39 2 43^ 

770 Ibs. beef, @ 2.y 2 d. 8 5 

86 Ibs. mutton, @ 2d 14 4 

Ibs. butter, @ 6d. I 10 io^< 

gall 5 milk, @ 6d 789 

140 " " @ &/., deliv d this 

month 4 13 4 

y% bush, white meal 6 

# " salt 4 i^ 

gall 3 linseed oil, @ 4^ 2 18 

" soft sope, @ is 19 9 

^ bush. Indian corn, @, 2s I 6 

I quart rum I 3 

65 15 23^ 
I75 6 - 
Nov. 1 8. For victuals deliv d Tattama,f y e Indian who 

came from Easton, and hay and oats for 
his horse, pr. order of Mr. Horsfield... 2 4 

22. " 2 gall 3 cydar, deliv d y e Indians that came 

from y e Treaty 2 

Carr d forw d 4 4 

Grube accompanied them to Easton. On the I4th the company came 
to Bethlehem. Here Parsons delivered the messengers his reply in 
behalf of the Governor for Teedyuscung, extending him a hearty invi 
tation to come down with his people to a Treaty. On the I5th, Zac- 
cheus and George set out on their return. Elisabeth was disinclined 
to go with them. 

* Benjamin Franklin, John Mifflin, Joseph Fox, William Masters, 
John Baynton, and Joseph Galloway. 

f Moses Tatemy. Written variously Tattama, Totami, Titamy, &c. 
Sometimes called Old Moses, also Ttindy. Registered as a Mountain 
Indian at the Conference held in the Great Meeting-House at Cross- 
wicks, in February of 1758. A convert of, and some time interpreter 


* d. 
1756. Bro 1 forw d ................................ 4 4 

Nov. 29. For 15 Ibs. bread and 3 q ts milk, deliv d An 
thony,* and his wife, and 2 old men, 
who came from Fort Allen, pr. order 
of Mr. Horsfield ............................ I li# 

30. " I pint of wine, deliv d Akoan,f y e Indian 
who brought some intelligence of y e 
Indians, pr. order of Mr. Horsfield ..... I 

" visits, medicines, bleeding, &c., deliv d y e 
Indian Capt. Harris, at Easton, pr. 
order of y e Governor ....................... 17 6 

Dec. 3. " expences on bringing y e Indians Abra 
ham, Luquas.J and Emas Shaw, to 
Phila ........................................... 16 6 

8. " an express with letters to his Honor y e 
Governor, concerning the murdering in 
Allemangelg and y e aforesaid intelli 
gence .......................................... i 5 

forw d ............................ 3 6 3 

to David Brainerd, in the Forks of Delaware. Attended most of the 
Treaties held with Teedyuscung, in the capacity of assistant inter 
preter. His name does not occur in the Colonial Records subsequent 
to 1760. 

* A Delaware of Tenkhannek, formerly of Gnadenhiitten, baptized 
February 8, 1750, by Bishop Cammerhoff. A brother of Nathaniel. 

j- A Mohican, a son of Catharine, had arrived from the Susquehanna 
with the intelligence that three Cayugas, who had been present at the 
late Treaty, " were gone toward Allemangel to kill the white people," 
and that " a Shawanese whom he had met sixteen miles above Fort 
Allen had opened his bundle and given him a piece of tallow, and on 
being asked where he had got it, the Shawanese had told him he and 
others had killed a cow near the Fort, and also a horse, because they 
could not catch it, and he showed him the bell the horse had on." 

J Mohicans, formerly of Gnadenhiitten. 

See Pennsylvania Archives, vol. iii. p. 77, for Horsfield s letter 
of November 30, 1756, to Governor Denny, for information brought by 




1756. Bro forw 1 3 6 

Dec. 10. For cash paid Ludwig Joung for going 

express with y e Governor s letters to 
Fort Allen, Fort Hamilton,* &c. &c., 

1757. pr. order of Mr. Horsfield 18 

Jany. 3. " mending I gun and 3 gun locks, for Capt. 

Arndt, pr. his order 19 

" sundries deliv d to y e Indian messengers, 

Jo Peepy and Lewis Montour, pr. 

order of Mr. Horsfield, viz.: 
I pr. shoes, for Lewis s. d. 

Montour 7 6 

i pr. shoes for Jo Peepy 7 6 

Leather for mends shoes 2 

Cash deliv d them for y e 

journey 3 

Hire of a man and a 

horse to go with them 

to Fort Allen 12 

A red Union Flag 6 6 

4 15 

Carr d forw d 9 18 

Bro. John Holder, concerning an attack made by three Cayugas on one 
Schlosser s house in Allemangel. 

* Fort Hamilton, named for James Hamilton, of the Governor s 
Council, and built 1756, near the junction of McMichael s and Brod- 
head s Creeks, in Lower Smithfield, Northampton County, " stands in 
a Corn field by a Farm house in a Plain and Clear Country, it is a 
Square with 4 half Bastions, all Very ill Contriv d and finish d, the 
Staccades open 6 inches in many places, and not firm in the ground, 
and may be easily pull d down, before the gate are some Staccades 
drove in the Ground to cover it which I think might be a great Shelter 
to an enemy, I therefore order d to pull them down, I also order d to 
fill up the other Staccades where open. Provincial Stores. I Wall 
Piece, 14 G d Muskets, 4 Wants Repair, 16 Cartootch Boxes, filled with 
Powder and Lead, 28 Ibs. Powder, 30 Ibs. Lead. 10 Axes, I Broad 


s. d. . 

1757. Bro 1 forw d 9 18 9 

To Bethlehem Tavern for sundries deliv d y e 

Indian messengers, Jo Peepy and 

Lewis Montour. (See Voucher i).... I 2 5 

For sundries deliv d John Smalling and his 

wife, and George Hays and his wife. 

(See Voucher 2) 825^ 

" sundries deliv d Nicodemus and family, 
Nathanael and family, Joel and family, 
Ruth and 2 children, &c. (See 

Voucher s] 9 19 \y 2 

To Bethlehem Store for sundries. (See 

Voucher 4) I 17 5 

96 15 4 # 

Vouchers belongs to the foregoing Account. 


The expenses of Jo Peepy and Lewis Mon- 
tourf at Bethlehem Tavern, when they 

Axe, 26 Tomhawks, 28 Blankets, 3 Drawing Knives, 3 Spliting Knives, 
2 Adses, 2 Saws, I Brass Kettle. 


" Comissy- Genl. of ye Musters. 

"July 2nd, 1756." 

The old fort stood on the property of the daughters of the late Dr. 
Samuel Stokes, in the borough of Stroudsburg. 

* Jo Peepy, having duly repented of his secession from the English, 
espouses their cause, is appointed envoy extraordinary in the Pro 
vincial service, next assistant interpreter, and leaves the stage of his 
tory under the more dignified appellation of Mr. Joseph Peepy. 

f Lewis Montour, a Mohawk, younger brother of Andrew, was 
occasionally employed by Government in the capacity of a messenger. 
In 1 754 he resided near Aucquick Old Town, where Weisser com 
plained of his disturbing the Indians by bringing liquor to them. 
" They cannot help buying and drinking it," reports the interpreter, 


were sent by y e Governor to y e Indians, 
deliv d to us by Ephraim Colver,* as wit 
ness his hand. 
To a pint wine 

" a pint wine 

" a supper 

" a quart cydar 

" a pint wine 

" 3 drains to give y e Indians for stringing 

" a breakfast 

" a pint of mumf 

" a dinner 

" a half pint of wine 

" a supper 

" a half pint of wine 

Carr d forw d 

when they see it, and Lewis sells it very dear to them, and pretends 
that his wife, which is a ugly squaw, does it." 

On the 1 2th of January these worthies arrived at Bethlehem from 
Philadelphia. They were on their way to the Mohawk country, 
whither they had been dispatched by George Croghan, Deputy Agent 
to Sir \Vm. Johnson (His Majesty s sole Agent and Superintendent 
of the affairs of the Six Nations, their allies, and dependents), with an 
invitation to the Susquehanna Indians, at Otsaningo, and to Teedyus- 
cung, at Diahoga, to meet him in Conference at Harris Ferry, in the 
spring. Nathaniel accompanied them. This embassy led to the 
Treaty held at Lancaster in May of 1757, at which the Mohawks, 
Onondagas, Oneidas, Cayugas, and Tuscaroras were represented, and 
which a few Senecas, Nanticokes, and Delawares attended. As 
Teedyuscung failed to appear, and as the representation of the Senecas 
was incomplete, no business of importance was transacted. 

* Ephraim Colver, born July, 1717, in Quittopehilla, deceased at 
Bethlehem, March, 1775. 

f A sort of strong beer, so named for one Christian Mumme, who 
first brewed it in 1492. Originally introduced from Brunswick, in 
* Germany, and hence often called Brunswick mum. 



1757. Bro 1 forw d 10 4 

To a hot dram 6 

" 2 drams in y e morning 8 

" abreakfast I 

" a pint of wine I 

" a breakfast for Nathanael who went with 

them 6 

" breakfast for Nicodemus and his son, on 

their account I 

" 2 nights lodgings 8 

" keeping 2 horses 2 days on hay and oats 4 6 

" a quart rum and y e bottle I II 

" one dram 4 




Province of Pennsil a to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 


For sundries deliv d John Smalling* who had 
y e small Pox and his wife, and George 
Hays and his wife, from y e 27 Nov., 1756, 
to y e 1 8 Jany, 1757, per order of Mr. Hors- 
field, viz.: s. d. 

181 Ibs. bread, @ i^d. 18 io 

38 Ibs. beef, @ 2*&d. 7 n 

i Ib. butter 6 

I bush. Indian corn 2 

^ do. white meal, @ 4^ 3 6 

Carr d forw d I 12 

* Quaere John Swalling, a grandson of Teedyuscung, who had 
been in attendance at Easton during the first treaty ? George Hays, 
one of Teedyuscung s Delawares. 


1757. Bro*forw d ................................ I 12 9 

2 fouls for Jno. Smalling, @ 6d. .......... I 

2^ bush 3 turnops, @ 8</. ................... I 8 

I qt. linseed oil ................................ I 

i l /i gall, cydar, @ u ........................ I 3 

% \b. of sope .................................. 2 

I earthen pot .................................. 4 

Cash" advanc d George Hays ................. I 6 

Mends a gun for do. ................. 4 

do. a saddle for do. ................. 14 

Medicines deliv d to do. and bleeding ..... 3 6 

Visits and medicines deliv d Jno. Smal 
ling and for incisions and dressing of 
above 10 impostunes ...................... 2 10 9 

A coffin for John Smalling .................. 10 

Burying of him* .............................. 10 

For attending y e above Indians each day 
from y e 1 8 Nov r to inst., being 6 1 
days, @ 6d. per day ....................... I 10 6 

2 5X 

Province of Pennsil a to the Stewards at Bethlehem, Dr. 


Jan. 21. For sundries deliv d Nicodemus and family, 
Joelf and family, Ruth and 2 children, 
&c., 22 in number, since y e 22 d Nov r . last, 
viz.: s. d. 

802 Ibs. bread, @ i%d ..................... 436^ 

150 Ibs. beef, @ 2}d. ....................... I II 3 

10^2 bush 5 Indian corn, @ 2s ............. I n 

Carr d forw d 

* In the grave-yard tha*t had been laid out on the south side of the 
Lehigh, on the hill west of" The Crown" (in 1747)* for the interment 
of persons attached to the Brethren residing in Saucon Township. 

f Joel, a Delaware, formerly of Gnadenhutten. 



*- d. 

1757. Bro 4 forw d 7 5 9^ 

Jan. 21. For 6 Ibs. white meal, @ \]^d. 7^ 

35 galls, milk, @ 6</. 17 6 

19 do. @ &/ (being new and 

very scarce] 12 8 

9 quarts salt I 6 l / 2 

i pintbeer 2 

i^ bush 5 turnops, @ 8</. 10 

" attends ye above families, each day since 
ye 22 d Nov. last, being 60 days, @ 6</. 

per day I 10 

9 J 9 J K 

Province of Pennsil a to Bethlehem Store, Dr. 


For sundries, viz.: 

3 yds. linnen and thread for y e Indian s. d. 

George Hays for a shirt 9 2 

" 4 quires cartridge paper for Capt. Arndt I 8 

" 2 yds. Osnaburgs for Jo Peepy to make 

abagg 3 4 

" I knife, 7 flints, and mak a handker 
chief for do 2 6 

" 2y z yds. linnen and thread for a shroud 
to bury y e deceased Indian, John 

Smalling 9 6 

" gunsmith s work for Capt. Arndt s com 
pany ii 3 

i 17 5 


Province of Pennsil a to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 


April 1 1. For sundries deliv d 82 Indians in Bethle 
hem, since y e 21 Jan? last, viz.: s - d 

4725 Ibs. bread, @ i X^ 2 4 I2 2 X 

426^ Ibs. beef, @ ^d. 644^ 

109 Ibs. bacon, @ ^d 2 5 5 

232 galls, milk, @ 6d 5 l6 

I bush 1 salt 5 

I2.y 2 gall 5 of sope, @ is 12 6 

4 do. linseed oil for lamps, @ 45-... 16 

25 bush ls Indian corn, @ 2s. 6d. 326 

A coffin for Jno. Peter,f who died of y e 

smallpox i 

Do. for his child 5 

44 8 ii3/ 

For storage^ of the Province provisions for 
use of y e Provincial troops in the 

years 1755 and 1756 5 

Jany. 26. " sundries deliv d y e Indians opposite 

Bethlehem, viz.: 

" medicine and attendance on Capt. Harris 
and another Indian^ when going 

Carr d forw d 49 8 "; 

* William C. Schmaling was on board the Brethren s snow " Irene" 
when she was taken by a French privateer in November of 1757. On 
his arrival at Dinan, Bretagne, in March of 1758, he wrote a narra 
tive of her capture. 

f Served as hospital steward to the Indians at Bethlehem. Buried 
in the old Moravian grave-yard. 

J Principally during the time of Franklin s halt, preparatory to his 
moving on the frontier. 

g " Tokayiendisery was very sick when we left Easton. We brought 
him along in the wagon. I desired Mr. Otto, the Doctor in Bethle- 


. d. 

1757. Bro forwd 49 8 

Jany. 26. through Bethlehem to Fort Allen, from 

y e last Treaty 2 

N. B. This charge was entered in 
y e last acct. (included in the 17^. 6d.} 
but not allowed, because it was by a mis 
take said to be deliv d at Easton, whereas 
it was deliv d at Bethlehem. 
For sundries deliv d to 59 Indians, viz., 16 
men, 21 women, and 22 children, 
since y e 21 Jany last, of which 23 re 
turned to y e Indian country* at 
sundry times, viz.: 

Carr d forw d 49 II 

hem, to come and see him. The Doctor believed he would get the 
Small Pox, and advised him to remain, but we could not prevail on 
him. When we came to the Fort he was most gone, but would not 
stay. His companions begged of me to get a horse for him to ride on, 
and they would return it in the spring. I could not refuse them any 
longer, they having requested three or four times. I bought a horse, 
saddle, and bridle for him, for Five Pounds. After all the sick man 
could not ride on horseback, so the Indians made a litter, but I believe 
he will never see his own country again." Weissers Journey from 
Easton to Fort Allen, November, 1756. 

* All from Diahoga. Solomon and Zaccheus, formerly of Gnaden- 
hiitten. "February 26, 1757. There arrived Zaccheus and wife, 
Solomon, wife and child, 3 women and 5 children. One woman and 
child came some days before. Part of them returned to the Indian 
country the 1st of March, and the rest the 4th, excepting 2 women and 
4 children, which Zaccheus desired might stay in Bethlehem till the 
King comes. These women and children I sent over the water to the 
other Indians." Horsfield to Governor Denny. Bethlehem, March 

14, 1757- 

March 22, 1757. "Ten Indians," writes the Diarist, "arrived from 
Diahoga. They were lodged over the water, where there are at present 
upward of 30. They brought the intelligence that 100 of the Six Na 
tions were come down to Shamokin in company with Peepy and Mon- 


s. d. 

1757- Bro 1 forw d 49 n 53 

Jany. 26. For I Indian corn hoe for Solomon 3 

Steeling a tomehacke for Zaccheus i 6 

Shoeing Zaccheus horse I 6 

Leather for mends shoes, deli v d Solomon, 
Zaccheus, &c., who went to y e Indian 

country y e 4 March last 3 6 

1550 Ibs. bread, @ i %d. 8 I 5 

479 Ibs. beef, @ ^ l / 2 d. (being scarce and 

dear} 6 19 8 

3 6 X S alls milk, @ 6d. 18 3 

^ hundred fine flower 3 

2^ bush 5 of beans, @ p. 6d. 8 9 

" building a wigwam for 10 Indians that 
came y e 22 d March last, pr. order of 

Mr. Horsfield i 10 

" sundries deliv d these 10, viz., 3 men, 6 
women, and I child, pr. order of Mr. 
Horsfield : 

Mar. 22. " 4 gills rum I 4 

supper for y e i o 3 4 

2 quarts beer 8 

23. " breakfast for y e i o 3 4 

2 quarts beer and 2 gills rum i 4 

2 " cydar and I gill " i 

28. " sundries deliv d to Mr. George Schanzen- 
bach, who came with them to Bethle 
hem i 10 

31. " sundries deliv d 8 Indians,* viz., 3 
men, 2 women, and 3 children, that 

Carr d forw d 68 14 

tour, on their way to Harris Ferry." At this time 30 acres of land 
were allowed the Indians at " The Crown," to put to corn and beans 
toward their support. 

* Amos and John Jacob, sons of the King, Jo Evans and wife, and 
Christiana and three children, returned from Diahoga. 


J. d. 

1757. Bro 1 forw d 68 14 n^ 

Mar. 31. came y e 3 I st March, per order of Mr. 

Horsfield, viz.: 

F r YZ gill rum an( l l pint cydar 4 

2 gills rum 8 

supper for 7 Indians... 2 4 

2 q ts of beer 8 

April I. " breakfast for 2 Indians I 2 

" supper and pint of beer for y e soldier 

that came with them 8 

2 - " ^ gill of rum for do 2 

" breakfast for do 4 

" dinner and pint of cydar, deliv d Na- 
thanael, who went with Jo Peepy to 
y e Indians in Diahoga when he came 

came back 8 

6. " supper for 4 Indians who came y e 6 

April 2 

" breakfast, &c., supper and I gill rum 

for y e soldier that came with them.... I 4 

" attends y e Indians each day from y e 21 
Janv to y e 1 1 April, being 80 days, @ 

6d. per day 2 

9. " an express* to his Honor y e Governor, 

at the desire of Maj. Parsons I 5 5 

" fire wood, since November last 2 10 

Feb. 18. " cash p d y e Indian man Elias, for his gun 
lent y e Irish settlement people in No 
vember, 1755, which is lost, pr. order 

of Mr. Horsfield 2 5 

" cash p d an Indian that brought a prisonerf 

to Easton, per order of do i 10 

Carr d forw d 78 13 

* With a letter informing the Governor of the restoration of a cap 

f " This is to acquaint your Worship that the day before yesterday, 
arrived here four Indians from Susquehanna, above Diahoga, and have 


s. d. 

1757- Bro 1 forw d 78 13 10 

Feb. 18. To Bethlehem Tavern for sundries. (See 

Voucher i) 4 14 2 

" Apothecary and Surgeon of Bethlehem 

(See Voucher 2) 12 6 

" y e Locksmith of Bethlehem. (See 

Voucher 1 ^) 16 4 

" Bethlehem Store, for sundries. (See 

Voucher^) 494 

Vouchers belongs to the foregoing Account. 


Province of Pennsil a to Bethlehem Tavern, Dr. 
1757. s. d. 

Jan. 28. For keeping Jo Peepy s* horse from y e 13 to 

y e 28 Jany, being 15 days II 8 

" expences sends ye horse to Phila 5 

" sundries deliv d to 15 Indians, viz.: 2 

Carr d forw d .... 1 6 

brought one white prisoner, whose name is Nicholas Ramston ; he was 
taken at the same time that Christian Pember was killed." Maj. 
Arndt to Maj. Parsons, Fort Allen, April 5/7/, 1757. Christian 
Boemper was a son of Abraham Boemper, of Bethlehem. Was mar 
ried to one of Frederic Hoeth s daughters, living on Head s Creek, 
and was killed in a running fight with the Indians at that place in 
January of 1756. 

" I imagined it would not be disagreeable to your Honour, to hear 
that the Indians had restored another of their captives. The person now 
returned is a young German, and was taken prisoner about 15 months 
ago by some of Teedyuscung s party. He states that the Indians used 
him pretty roughly at first." Parsons to Governor Denny, April 8, 


* During his absence with Montour in the Indian country. 


* d. 

Brotforwd 16 8 

men, 7 women, and 6 children that 
came from y e Indian country y e 25 and 
26 Febry last, per order of Mr. Hors- 
1757. field, viz.: 

Feb. 23. For I supper and 2 qts. beer and I gill rum 2 

26. " I breakfast for 3, I qt beer and I gill 

rum i 8 

Keeping a horse on hay and oats I 

3 gills of rum, a supper and 2 qts. beer 

for 2 men, 5 women, and 6 children.. 5 6 

27. " i do. do. to y e 2 men 4 

I dinner and 2 gills of rum for them all 5 1 1 

i supper for them all 4 6 

28. " 2 gills of rum in y e morning for do 8 

I breakfast and dinner for them all 9 9 

I qt. beer and 2 gills rum I 

i supper for 2 men, 7 women, and 3 

children 3 9 

March i. " 2 gills of rum in y e morning 8 

Breakfast for 12 and dinner for them all 9 3 
Supper for i man, 5 women, and 2 chil 
dren 2 6 

2. " Breakfast for 7 and supper for 6 women 

and 2 children 4 IO 

3. " I gill of rum, and I quart of beer 

Breakfast for I man, 6 women, and 2 

children 2 10 

Dinner and supper for do 6 3 

4. " Breakfast for 9 3 

3 gills of rum and i qt. beer for those 

that went away i 4 

4 14 2 


Province of Pennsil a to Apothecary and Surgeon of Bethlehem, Dr. 

Feb. 28. For sundries, viz.: s. d. 

" Bleeding Zaccheus and his wife 2 

" do. an Indian woman i 

Mar. i. " Medicines and bleeding Nicodemus and 

his wife 2 6 

23. " do. and do. the Indian woman Sisinhahs 2 

24. " drawing a tooth of Nicodemus son I 

" curing Mr. George Schanzenbach s arm, 

one of Capt. Arndt s compy, per his 

order charg d to ye Province 4 

12 6 

Province of Pennsil a to the Locksmith of Bethlehem, Dr. 


Feb. 1 8. For sundries, viz.: s. d. 

" gun flints deliv d to Capt. Arndt i 4 

" mending 5 provincial gun locks for do.. 15 



Province of Pennsil a to Bethlehem Store, Dr. 

March I. For sundries deliv d Solomon Mashelamakee 
and others, per order of Mr. Horsfield, 
viz.: s. d. 

1 blanket, @ 15^. and 2 do., @ I2s i 19 

5 yd s Osnaburgs, @ I*. *]d. 7 1 1 

2 Ibs. sope, I qt. salt, and I Ib. powder.. 5 2 

3 Ibs. lead, 3 Ibs. shot and tobacco... 4 10 

I snuff box, \o>d. I oz. snuff, ^d. butter 

and pipes 2 9 

Carr d forw d 2 19 8 



1 7 r 7 

Bro 1 forw d 2 



March I. 

For I 3 gall n cagg, $s. and I quart molassis 



2 yds. Osnaburgs, @ is. yd. 2 Ibs to- 





April i. 

Gun flints deliv d Capt. Arndt and butter 
for Amos y e Indian 


1 1 


I Ib. butter for Tomechy returning to 
Fort Allen 





DAT D 28 MAY, 1757. 

Province of Pennsil a to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 

1757- J. 

April II. To an acct. deliv d 91 i 

1 6. For an express to Easton to carry a packett 
which came from Col. Weisser for 
Maj. Parsons on his Majesty s service 5 

" sundry provisions sent 
to Fort Allen, pr. or 
der of Maj. Parsons,* 
viz.: s. d. 

8 loaves of bread, wt. 

131 Ibs. @ iX 13 7^ 

200 Ibs. of gammons, @ 

Stint- 4 II 8 

8 bushl 5 Indian corn 

meal, @ 3,5-. 6d I 8 

Carr d forw d 91 6 II 

* To feed the Indians who were coming in to the treaty appointed 
for Lancaster. 


> s. d. s. d. 

1757. Bro* forw d 91 6 

April 1 6. For 12 cwt. 4 qr. I Ib. meal, 

@ IO.T. pr. cwt 627 

As per receipt of Anto- 
nius MUller. (See 
Voucher I.) 
" 2 large sacks for y e 

bread and gammons.. 7 

" carriage of the above to 

Fort Allen I 16 

1 8. " an express from Mr. 
Horsfield to Maj. Par 
sons 5 

15 3 
22. " do. to Philadelphia, with letters to his 

Honor y e Governor, concerning y e 
murdering by y e enemy Indians* I 5 

Carr d forw d 107 15 

* Captain John Van Etten s letter to Major Parsons, dated Fort 
Hamilton, April 21, 1757. "I am sorry to inform you," he writes, 
" of what hapened sins I sa you last on the 20 day of this instant, aftei 
I came to Fort Hammelton, about two a clock, and as I made all the 
hast I could to Fort Hyndshaw, about one a clock at night an express 
came to me that a man was ciled and scalped at Fort Hammelton, 
which I found to be tru, and had the man burried the 21 of this in 
stant. Pray, sir, consider my afairs, as I am but weake now, and all 
the neighbors about the Fort is mounted in the Fort, which I compel d 
to stan santriey next the soldiers tel forther orders ; pray, sir, excuse 
haste." John Van Etten was commissioned a captain in the 1st Batt. 
1st Pennsylvania Regiment, April 19, 1756. 

See deposition of John Williamson, Penna. Archives, vol. iii. p. 139, 
concerning " Andreas Gundryman whom the Indians pursued with 
their Tomhocks and murdered him very barbarously, scalping him 
quite to the eyes." Also deposition of one Michael Roup, " a man 
well known and worthy of credit," who reported Peter Soan and 
Christian Klein, "killed by a bullet and Tamehacks," near Philip 



1757. Bro 1 forw d 107 15 

April 28. For medicine sent Capt. Arndt, pr. his order. 

(See Voucher 2) I 7 

" sundries paid for, & de- 
liv d to y e Indian mes 
sengers, Nathanael & 
Zacharias,* per order 
of Mr. Horsfield, viz.: 

" an express to Easton to 
Maj. Parsons for a 
guard for them with 
the Governor s mes- s. d. 
sage to Tattiwaskund 5 

" making a hatchet for 

them 2 

" shoeing a horse for Jere 
miah Trexler, who 
went with them at 
the request of Maj. 
Parsons I 6 

" a gun for Nathanael I 15 

" hire of 2 men & I 
horse for accompany 
ing them to Haysf.... 6 


Carr d forw d in 13 

Bozart s house, seven miles from Fort Hamilton. Col, Records, vol. 
viii. p. 492. 

* Zacharias, a son of Nicodemus, formerly of Gnadenhlitten, and 
Nathaniel had been dispatched by Deputy Croghan to acquaint Teedy- 
uscung with the impatience of the Indian deputies met at Harris s 
Ferry, at his prolonged absence. They set out from Bethlehem May 4. 

f John Hays kept a public house on the road from Bethlehem to 
Gnadenhutten on the Mahoning, which road had been laid out in 1747, 
it being urged by the petitioners " that many inhabitants of this and the 
neighboring Provinces have frequent occasion of going beyond the 



1757. Ere* forw d ill 13 

April 28. For Jno. Hays acct. at the desire of Tim^ 

Horsfield I I 

May 5. " mending a gun left by an Indian at y e 

first treaty. (See Voucher $} 2 

23. " an express to Easton with letters to Maj. 

Parsons 5 

27. To y e Store, for sundries. (See Voucher 4). 8 4 5j 
" the Tavern for sundries deliv d to sundry 
Indians since y e 1 1 April. (See 

Voucher 5) 5 I 3 

For sundries deliv d ye In 
dians opposite Beth 
lehem since 1 1 April, 
viz.: s. d. 

1705 Ibs. of bread, @, 

*%d 8 17 7 X 

49^ Ibs. of beef, @ 

3X^ 7 3 4X 

27 bush 3 Indian corn, @ 

2s.6d.... 3 7 6 

20 Ibs. veal, @ id. 3 4 

20 Ibs. of gammons, @ 

$y 2 9 2 

1 60 galls, of milk, @ 6d. 4 

Carr d forw d 128 4 9 

Blue Mountain to Mahoning Creek and to the Healing Waters lying 
not far from thence." Hays tavern-stand was Mr. Jacob Fatzinger s 
place, in Weaversville, East Allen Township, seven miles northwest 
of Bethlehem. Weisser tells us that on his return from the second 
conference at Easton he " dined at one Hays , the Indians and soldiers 
upon cold beef and sider, Ueedjoskon and four or five more with me. 
The Indian account came to fifteen shillings and threepence. The 
landlord has other accounts of the same nature against the Province." 


. . 

1757. Bro forwd ............ 128 4 9 

May 27. For i^$ bush 5 white meal, 

@<4* ..................... 6 

j>f( bush ls salt, @ $s ..... 3 

Y% do. beans, @ 4^ .. 
i# Ibs. butter, @ 6</... 
Steeling an ax ............ 2 

24 13 
attending the Indians .each day from y e 

1 1 April to y e 27 May, being 46 days 

@ 6d. per day i 3 

building another wigwam for y e Indians 

over y e water 2 

mending a gun for y e Indian Hendrick 

Quomon* pr. order of Mr. Horsfield 5 

repairing a gun for y e Ind n Samy Evans, 

pr. order of Maj. Parsons I 13 

Vouchers belongs to the foregoing Account. 

BETHLEHEM, y e 16 April, 1757. 

A list of sundry provisions sent up from Bethlehem to Fort 
Allen for the use of the Indians coming down to the Treaty, 
by order of William Parsons, Esq., 


* Captain Henry Quamash, a Delaware of Teedyuscung s company 
who lay sick at Bethlehem from the second treaty at Easton to Oc 
tober of 1760. Before setting out for the Indian country, in that 
month, he addressed a letter to Governor Hamilton, expressive of his 
gratitude for the kind attention and care he had experienced from the 
Government, and also from the Brethren at Bethlehem. " In particu 
lar," he writes, " I am thankful to Mr. Horsfield for his great love to 
ward me, for the horse, the blankets, stockings and hat, and meal and 
medicines he has given me to take with me." 



Two hundred pound of gammons. 
Eight bushels of Indian corn meal. 
Ten loafes of bread. 

Thirteen hundred seventy-three pound of flower. 
15 new Osnabrigs bags. 
2 large sacks, with the bread and bacon. 

Rec d the above particulars by Bethlehem wagon, by the hands 
of Paal Christian Stouber,* by me, 


Province of Pensilvania to Apothecary of Bethlehem, Dr. 

April 28. For medicines deliv d Capt. Arndt, per his 

order: , s. d. 

To 10 oz. empl. ad rupt 5 

" 6 " " de minio 4 

" 14 " ungt. basilic I 8 

" 3>2 " spirit, rectific 2 

" 2 " " terebinth I 

" 2 " balsam vulne 4 

" i " camphor 3 6 

" i " pulv. antispasm 2 6 

i " " lax., 4 dos 4 


* Paul Christian Stauber, from Frankfort-on-the-Main. Came to 
Bethlehem with Henry Jorde s colony of young men, on the Irene, 
in June of 1750. Removed to North Carolina in 1767. Descendants 
are living there. 

| John Frederic and his wife, Maria Otto, came to Bethlehem in 
November of 1743, with the second "Sea Congregation," on the 
"Little Strength." He was apothecary and druggist for "The 


Province of Pensilvania, Dr. 
1757- s. d. 

April. To new stocking a rifle gun 12 

. " new brass mounting for rifle gun 12 

" a bullet mold for " 3 

" a screw and drawer for " 2 

" new boreing the barrell (rifle fashion)... 6 

" cleaning " " outside I 6 

" a new trigger I 6 

" cleaning the lock and 2 screws, &c 2 

N.B. The gun was ordered to be mended the first Treaty held 
at Easton, and left by an Indian under the care of Wm. Edmonds, 
who had the late Governor Morris order for that amongst other 
things to send them well satysfy d away, and since mended, but 
not charged till now by me, 

Witness, DAN^ KLIEST, 

WM. EDMONDS. Locksmith at 


Province of Pensilvania, to Bethlehem Store, Dr. 

1757. For sundries deliv d , viz.: 
April 13. For butter and mending a gun for y e Indian, 

Tapescawen* and his companion mes- s. d. 
sengers from Tadiuskund I 4 

Carr d forw d ... I 4. 

* Tapescawen or Tapeuscung, alias Samuel, Teedyuscung s coun? 
selor, had arrived from Diahoga with two messages from the King to 
Maj. Parsons. The communications were forwarded to him and de 
livered in presence of the Moravian Indian Paul. The King, they 
stated, was preparing to come down, and with him were coming chiefs 
of the Six Nations. He had been far back in their country, and so 
had been detained. See page 366. 


1757. Bro* forw d ................................ I 4 

April 1 8. For 29 y ds Osnabrigs for bags, to carry pro 

visions, @ is. 6d. ......................... 236 

" thread, and cash pd. for making do ...... 4 6 

25. " i Ib. butter, deliv d do ........................ 6 

26. " butter and bread, del d Tadiuskund s and 

Nutimus s sons* ........................... I 

28. " 100 oil flints deliv d Cap n Arnclt for his 

compy ......................................... 8 

May i. " pipes and tobacco for y e Indian mes 

senger from Lancasterf ................... 10 

4. " sundries deliv d Nathanael and Zacharias, 
messengers, for their journey to Way- 
omick and Diaogu,^ pr. order of Mr. 
Horsfield, viz.: 

Carr d forw d 2 19 

* Old Nutimus was a well-known chief of the Fork Delawares, and 
their representative at the Treaty in Philadelphia in July of 1742, at 
which Canassatego rib-roasted them well, and then bade them be off 
and out of the Forks, subject to a heavy penalty if they were recusant. 
Isaac, his son, reported to Justice Horsfield that ten days previously he 
had left a place 30 miles above Diahoga, and had met French and In 
dians coining down on the frontiers with intent to murder. " On 
asking him and Amos, Teedyuscung s son, why they did not catch the 
rogues," writes Horsfield to Parsons, " they made no answer, only 

f A Mohawk, who had come to Bethlehem, escorted by Capt. Wm. 
Trent, at the request of the Indians at Lancaster, to bring Teedyus- 
cung and the rest of the Delawares, should they have arrived, to that 
city. The Sachem delivered his message in the presence of Mr. Hors 
field to the Indians at " The Crown," who agreed to send a number of 
their chiefs and some of the women. They set out on the 2d, having 
left wampum with word for the King to follow with the rest, on his 

J See note to April 28, in the early part of this Account. " On the 
5th of May the messengers set out; Bro. Schmick, at his request, 
having furnished Nathaniel with a Delaware translation of the Gov- 


s. d. 

1757- Bro forwd 2 19 8 

May 4. i oz. blew thread, @ 6</., and 2^ y ds 

blew strowds, @ us I 8 

2 tin kettles, @ 2s. 6d., and 500 white 

wampums, @ 2s. -$d. per cent 16 3 

2 ivory combs, do. horn combs 4 4 

6 gun flints and 2 Ibs. gun powder, @ 

3*- 6</. 7 6 

2 Ibs. small shot, @ &/., and 2 knives, 

@ IJ 3 4 

4 Ibs. lead, @ 8</. 2 8 

8 yds. ribbon, @ is. $d., for their stock 
ings Ir 4 

2 fine pockett books 8 

2 Ibs. butter, @ 6d ! 

2 fine pipe heads, lin d and cover d with 

brass, @ is. $d. 2 6 

I silk handkerchief, @ 6j. 6^/., and 

needles, 2d. 6 8 

5. For I p r sissars and y y d strowds 2 

" 2 pockett bottles, butter and bread 3 

" cash paid for mending Nathanael his 

buckles ^ 

1 6. " i lb. butter, do. sugar, del d Nathanael 

his wife, who being with child, desired 

care might be taken of her in his 

absence, pr. order of Mr. Horsfield... i 

20. " mending a gun lock for Capt" Arndt 

his compy 4 5 

" mending a gun for do i 6 

To I doz. eggs and I lb. sugar, deliv d Na 
thanael his wife, pr. order of Mr. Hors 
field. .. 


Errors excepted by 


Store Keeper. 

ernor s message, for committal to memory on the journey." Bethle 
hem Diarist. 



Province of Pensilvania to Bethlehem Tavern, Dr. 
For sundries deliv d to sundry Indians, &c., 
per order of Mr. Horsfield : 

April 1 2. " breakfast, dinner, and supper deliv d I 

Indian man, I Indian woman, with a s. d. 

soldier of Capt. Arndt s Compy 4 

" 3 > quarts of cydar for do I 2 

" dinner, supper, and breakfast deliv d y e 

Indian Gabriel* I 4 

" I X quart cydar for do 6 

" keeping his horse I night, with hay and 

oats * 

13. " supper and breakfast for 2 Ind. men and 

I boy 2 6 

" 2 gills of rum 

1 6. " dinner 2 times, and supper deliv d 2 In 
dians 3 

" i qt. cydar 4 

14 6 

" supper and I quart of beer for 2 Indians I 4 

1 8. " breakfast and dinner for 4 do 3 4 

" supper and I quart cydar for 3 do I 10 

19. " breakfast and 2 quarts cydar deliv d 2 

Indians who returned to y e Indian 

country I 4 

" 2 quarts beer for 2 Ind. women and 

2 children 8 

23. " dinner, supper, and breakfast for 3 In 
dians 4 

" 3 gills of rum and 2 quarts of cydar for 

do.... i 8 

I 4 2 

Carr d forw d i 8 8 

Formerly of Gnadenhutten. 



* *. 
1757. Bro forwd ................................ I 8 8 

April 23. For supper 2 times, breakfast and dinner for 

2 Indians ..................................... 3 8 

" I quart of beer and I gill of rum ......... 8 

24. " supper and 3 quarts cydar deliv d to do... 2 

25. " breakfast and 2 quarts cydar for do ...... I 4 

" supper and I pint cydar for 2 do .......... I 2 

26. " breakfast and I quart cydar for I do ..... 8 
" supper and I quart cydar for Zaccheus 

and his wife ................................. I 4 

27. " breakfast and I gill of rum for do ......... I 

" I quart cydar for Nicodemus .............. 4 

12 2 

" supper and 2 gills of rum deliv d Joel, 

Tom Evans, and their mother 2 2 

28. " 2 gills of rum for do. and Zaccheus, &c. 8 

" breakfast and supper for 4 Indians 3 4 

" i quart beer for do 4 

" dinner and supper and I quart cydar, for 

Zaccheus and his wife 2 4 

30. " 2 gills rum for do 8 

" keeping Zaccheus horse 4 days 2 8 

" supper, I gill of rum, and I quart cydar 
for Tom Evans and his son with the 

soldier 2 2 

May I. " breakfast for 2 of do. and I gill of rum.. I 

" dinner and supper for Tom Evans I 

2. " breakfast and I gill of rum for do......... 8 

" keeping Zaccheus horse 2 days I 4 

" "fa P^t rum f r do. going to Lancaster.. 6 
" I gill rum for his wife, being not well... 4 
4. " 3 gills of do. and 2 quarts beer for sun 
dry Indians I 8 

Carr d forw d 3 10 


1757- Bro 4 forw d ................................ 3 Jo 

May 4. For supper and breakfast for 2 men, who 

went with y e Indians to Fort Allen.... 2 

" 3 quarts of beer for do ....................... I 

" keeping their horses on hay and oats 2 

nights ........................................ 2 

" breakfast and 2 gills of rum deliv d Na- 
thanael and Zacharias going with a 
message from y e Governor to Tattius- 
kund ....... .................................. i 3 

9. " dinner, supper, and 2 quarts beer deliv d 

Moses Tattamy ............................. ! g 

" supper, I quart beer, and I gill rum for 
Sam Evans, his wife and 2 children, 
with a soldier of Capt. Arndt ........... 2 4 

10. " breakfast and I gill of rum for y e soldier 10 

15 4 

" breakfast, dinner, and i gill of rum for 

Sam Evans I 2 

" do. and do. and I do. of do. and I quart 

of beer for Tattamy I 5 

" supper and I quart of beer for do 9 

11. " breakfast, dinner, supper, I gill of rum, 

and i quart of beer for do 2 

12. " breakfast and I gill of rum for do 8 

" keeping his horse 3 days on hay and 

oats 3 6 

17. " dinner, supper, and breakfast deliv d a 

soldier of Capt. Arndt s company i 4 

" I gill of rum and I quart of beer 8 

18. " supper for Tattamy s son 6 

19. " breakfast, supper, and I gill of rum for 

do , 2 


May 19. For supper and I quart beer deliv d Tattamy, 

Gabriel s wife and 2 children, with a s. d. 

soldier 2 6 

20. " breakfast for Tattamy and the soldier.... 8 

" I quart of beer for do 4 

" breakfast for Tattamy s son 4 

" dinner and supper for Tattamy and his 

son 2 

21. " breakfast and I gill of rum for do i 4 

" dinner and I quart of beer for do I 4 

" keeping Tattamy s horse on hay 2 days.. I 4 

26. " dinner and I gill of rum for Tattamy.... 10 


" supper and I pint beer for do 10 

" dinner and I pint beer for a soldier 8 

27. " I gill of rum, breakfast, dinner, and I 

pint of beer for Tattamy I 4 

" dinner and I qt. of cydar for 2 Indians* 

that came from Lancaster I 4 

4 2 

Sum total 5 J 3 

* On their way to the Susquehanna with a message from Governor 
Denny to Teedyuscung, containing an account of the proceedings 
of the treaty held at Lancaster between the I2th and 2oth of May, a 
promise to redress all grievances, and an invitation for him to come 
down with his uncles, the Senecas, when it suited his convenience. 


W M . EDMONDS, DATED YE 28 MAY, 1757. 

Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 


May 27. For sundries deliv d 82 Indians in Bethle 
hem since II th April last, viz.: s. d. 

2893 Ibs. of bread, @ i^d 15 I 4^ 

484 Ibs. of beef, @ $yd. 7 I 2 

20 Ibs. of gammons, @ ^y^d. 9 2 

93 galls, of milk, @ 6d 266 

73 bush ls of Indian corn, @ 2s. 6d. 9 2 6 

^2 do. beans, @, 4^ 2 

y 2 do. salt, @ 5-r 2 6 

10 galls, of soft sope, @ U 10 

32^5 gall 5 linseed oil for lamps, @ 4.? 13 6 

35 8 



1757. Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 
June 4. For hire of a waggon to Easton with 3 men 
to guard, do. for carrying powder and 
lead to do. for the use of y e Province, s. d. 

pr. order of Mr. Horsfield 18 

22. To the tavern for sundries deliv d 1 1 soldiers. 

(See Voucher i) 19 10 

24. For sundries deliv d on acct. of y e Ind n mes 
senger, pr. order of Mr. Horsfield. (See 

Voiccher 2) 6 12 7^ 

July 12. To Bethlehem Store for 20 Ibs. gun powder 
for the use of Capt n Wetherhold s com 
pany, @ 3-r. 6., pr. order of Capt. Arndt. 
(See Voucher^} 3 10 

Carr d forw d 12 


* <* 
1757. Bro 4 forw d ................................ 12 5^ 

July 12. To I cask for do .................................... 2 

For sundries deliv d Jo Peepy and Hugh 

Crawfford. (See Voucher 4) .............. 4 17 2 

For medicines, &c. &c.,for Capt" Harris, &c. 

(1s>tt Voucher $} ................................ I 18 

29. To Bethlehem Store for sundries. (See 

Voucher 6) ...................................... 9 7 

Aug. I. For sundries deliv d on acct. of y e Indians 
coming and going to and from Fort 
Allen, pr. order of Mr. Horsfield. (See 
Voucher 7) ...................................... 6 

" stocking and repairing, &c., sundry guns, 

&c. (See Voucher %) ........................ 946 

5. To the Tavern for sundries deliv d y e Indians 
coming from and going to Fort Allen, pr. 
order of Mr. Horsfield. (See Voucher 9) 29 17 6 
For sundries deliv d y e Indians opposite 
Bethlehem, since y e 27 last May. (See 
Voucher 10) ..................................... 26 14 


Vouchers belongs to the foregoing Account. 


Bill of fare for eleven soldiers at Bethlehem 
1757. Tavern, June 21 and 22, 1757 : s. d. 

June 21. For supper for do. @ 6d 5 6 

" 5 quarts beer I 8 

22. " breakfast for do., @ 6d 5 6 

" dinner for do., and 5 quarts beer 7 2 

19 10 

N.B. The Insign is included, and came with the soldiers to have 
their arms repaired at Bethlehem. 

Received the above for myself and 10 men at s d tavern, pr. 


* Jacob Schneider, commissioned Ensign in Capt. Arndt s company, 
ist Battalion Pennsylvania Regiment, May 19, 1756. 


Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 

For sundries deliv d y e Indians messengers, 
Nathanael, Zacharias, and Paul,* pr. 
1757. order of Mr. Horsfield : 

May 28. For 15^ Ibs. of bacon, deliv 1 them for their 

journey to Diaogu (omitted in last ac- s. 

count], @ $yd. 7 

June 4. " soling and mending Zaccheus shoes 2 

1 6. " an express to Easton with letters to Maj. 

Parsons on the Province service 5 

24. " hire of 2 men 6 days for going with them 
to Phila a , and staying for them there, 

@ 3 s. per day each i 16 

" cash paid for hire of 5 horses i n 

" cash paid for expenses on the road 2 1 1 

6 12 

* On the 1 8th of June the first two reached Bethlehem on their re 
turn, with the intelligence that the King would be in the settlements 
within eight days. They set out on the 2ist for Philadelphia to report 
to the Governor. In a letter to Deputy Croghan, under date of June 
23, the Governor writes : " The messengers, Nathaniel and Zacharias, 
are returned with an answer that Teedyuscung was one hundred miles 
above Diahoga, that he had been very diligent in performing the several 
matters he undertook at Easton, that he was exceedingly glad to receive 
my message, and would set out about eight days after the messengers. He 
may be expected here about the first week in July, or perhaps he may 
come sooner. I give you this notice by the express, desiring you will 
order your matters so as to have time enough to attend the treaty, 
which I will not open unless you be present. Teedyuscung desires I 
should be ready, and not detain him longer than is absolutely neces 

Paul had accompanied Tapeuscu ng , June 1st, on his return to the 
King, with a reply from Government. 




July II, 1757. 

SIR, Lieut. Wetherhold hath desired me to write an order that 
you might be pleased to send with the Bearer hereof, Peter Reg, 
Twenty Pounds of Powder and Sixty Pounds of Lead, for the use of 
Lieut. Wetherhold s men. I hope you will oblige your Friend. 
I am your hble. servant, 



Please let the Bearer, Peter Reg, have 20 Ibs. powder, and charge 
it to the Province account. 

I am yours, 


BETHM., July n, 1757. 

Reed of Wm. Edmonds of Beth m Store, the above ordered 20 Ibs. 
of Powder, on acct. of the Province. I say, reed for the use of Capt, 
Wetherhold s men at Allemangel, pr. 


N.B. The above order was drawn in order to be delivered here, 
by reason they would not get the Powder at Easton, Maj. Parsons 
being absent. 

BETHLEHEM, July n, 1757. 

Reed of y e Province of Pensilvania by the hands of Timy Horstield, 
60 Ibs. of Lead for the use of Capt n Wetherhold s men Posted at 
Allemangel, pr. 


N.B. I have deliv d the above 60 Ibs. of Lead out of a Parsell that 
was in my Hands belonging to y e Province. 

BETHM., July n, 1757. 


Province of Pensilvania, Dr. 

For sundries deliv d to Jo Peepy and Hugh 

J 757- Crawfford,* viz.: s. if. 

May 21. 500 blue wampons, @ 2s ;. 10 

2 y ds Osnabrigs, @ Is. 8d 3 4 

thread and needles 5 

I Ib. sope 6 

i y d blue strowds n 

5 Ibs. powder, @ 35-. 6d. 17 6 

8 Ibs. lead, @ Stt. 5 4 

I large hunting knife I 8 

1 tin quart I 4 

2 wooden pipes lined with brass 3 2 

I quire writing paper I 4 

1 brass inkhorn 2 

4 Ibs. tobacco, @ ^d I 4 

2 combs 8 

I knife I 8 

I bottle 7 

leather for a p r of shoes I 4 

Z/4. ydslinnen, @ 3^. 2</., and thread, 4^. n 5 

I p r shoes for Crawfford (pumps) 12 

June i. For mending a gun for Capt. Arndt s soldiers 3 8 

" sundries deliv d y e Indian Zaccheus i 

" salt deliv d y e Indians over the water I 3 

" cash paid for shoeing y e Indian Petrus 

his horse I 2 

" pipes and tobacco sentf for Teedyuscung 6 

Carr d forw d 4 14 

* Hugh Crawford, an Indian trader, from "Aughwick (now Shirley- 
town, in Huntingdon County), on the great Path to the Ohio," and Jo 
Peepy, were bearers of dispatches to Sir William Johnson, from Deputy 
Croghan, at Lancaster, and were fitting out for the journey. 

f By Paul and Tapescawen. 


3 11 

* <i- 

1757. Bro 1 forw d 4 14 2 

June ii. To cash paid Jos. Brown as pr. receipt 

signed by Crawfford 3 

4 17 

The above has been deliv d out of Bethlehem 

Province of Pensilvania to Surgeon at Bethlehem, Dr. 


June 1 8. For medicine and attendance on Capt n Har 
ris, the Indian, from y e 1 8 May to y e 
1 8 June, he having a very dangerous 
hurt in his arm, attended with a caries s. d. 

or rotteness in the bone I 16 

July II. " bleeding the Indian Jo Peepy s wife I 

" do. the Indian Nathanael s wife.... i 

1 8 

Bethm., the II July, 1757. 


Province of Pensilvania Dr. to Bethlehem for sundries out of the 

July 29. For tobacco, pipes, &c., to the Nanticocks* 

during their stay here, in going to s. d. 
Easton ... 2 10 

Carr d forw d 

* The Nanticokes (^ l tide-water people"} , a small member of the Al 
gonquin family, had their seats, when the Europeans first met them, on 
the Eastern Shore of Maryland. Thence they migrated northward 
about 1748, following the course of the Susquehanna, and planting in 
part at Wyoming and in part higher up the river, at Chenango and 
Chemung. Five of these Indians halted at Bethlehem on the 29th of 


1757. . Bro l forw d 

July 29. For do. at their departure from Easton. 
" 2 sweet cakes for Bill Tattamy* 

Carr d forw d 

July, on their way to the treaty at Easton. Bro. Spangenberg had a 
formal interview with them, at which there was the customary ex 
change of compliments and of wampum. They stated that they had 
come to condole with their old friends, the Brethren, in their recent 
losses, expressed regret that intercourse with them had for so long a time 
been suspended, brought greeting from old Paxanosa, and a message 
that he and Mohican Abraham intended to pay them a visit. Of these 
proceedings Bro. Spangenberg prudently advised Weisser, at Easton, 
in the following letter : 

"BETHLEHEM, July 30, 1757- 


" Last night, being in Nazareth, I heard that three Nanticoke chiefs, 
John Curtis, Tom, and Abraham, were come to Bethlehem, and that 
they had some words to speak to the Brethren. Their captain intended 
to go to Easton, and therefore I made haste to return home again. 
Enclosed is the compliment they made on their way, and the answer 
we gave them. The reason of their complacence is this, viz.: they 
were in great want of provisions about four years ago, when they yet 
lived at Wayomik. They applied to the Brethren who then lived at 
Gnadenhiitten, and wanted to be relieved in their great hunger. The 
Brethren upon that gave them 60 bushels of flour, which they fetched 
from our mill at Gnadenhiitten. They then came and gave us thanks 
and told us they would remove from Wayomik and go higher up the 
Susquehanna, but they would pay us a visit in two years time again ; 
and this made a particular acquaintance between the Nanticokes and 
the Brethren. I let you know this because I hope you will acquaint 
the Governor and Mr. Peters with it if you find it well and think it 
needful. I will add no more, for I suppose your time is much taken 
up. But be sure I think often of you and wish you good success in 
your Treaty. 

" Farewell sir, your humble servant 


* Son of Moses Tatemy. 


. . 
1757- Bro forW 1 ................................ 5 T 

July 29. For cash paid for mending a gun in Capi n . 

Arndt s compy .............................. 2 

" tobacco and leather for mends shoes.... 2 6 

Paid and deliv d as above, 

pr. WM. EDMONDS, Storekeeper. 


Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 
For sundries deliv d on acct. of the Indians 
coming from and going to Fort Allen, 
1757- pr. order of Mr. Horsfield : 

June 15. " hire of 2 men to guard Indian Gabriel, 

his wife and 2 children, and sundry s . 

others to John Hays 6 

1 6. To John Hays, for conducting said Indians 

to Uplinger s* as per his acct 5 

For stocking a gun pr. order of Col. Weisser, 

given about y e I st treaty jy 

29. " mending a gun lock per order of Capt n 

Arndt... ~ 

Carr d forw d . 

* Nicholas Opplinger kept public-house on the road to Fort Allen, 
where said road, on leaving the river just above the Gap, skirts the 
" Fire-Line Hill" along the Aquanshicola, a mile from its mouth. 
The house and mill-seat are now owned by Mr. Peter Snyder. " We 
arrived that night at one Nicholas Opplinger. After I had settled with 
the landlord next day the Indian account, which amounted to i. IQJ. 
lid., chiefly for sider, this being the last place where they could get it, 
we sott off and arrived at Fort Allen by 10 of the clock." WeisseSs 
Journal, Nov. 19, 1756. 



Bro forw d ............................... I 10 

July II. For an express to y e Governor, with letters 
of Col. Weisser* and expences in the 
town for his and his horse waiting 3 
days .......................................... 2 

" an express to y e Governor with letters of 
Mr. Horsfield concerning Teedyus- 
cung s arrival in Fort Allenf ............ I 5 

" expences in y e town .......................... 3 

23. " hire of a man to go with Teedyuscung s 
mother-in-lawj to Easton at the re 
quest of y e Governor ...................... 5 

Carr d forw d . 

* Weisser passed through Bethlehem for Easton on July 14. He sent 
a letter to the Governor by express, in which he informed him of his 
arrival, and, at the same time, of the friendly disposition of the Dela- 
wares. " The Indians," he writes, " are altogether good-natured, and 
Teedyuscung, considering how much he loves strong drink, behaves 
very well, and I have not seen him quite drunk since I came, to this 
time. I find they are all desirous to come to a lasting peace." 

f " Last night" (July 5), writes Horsfield to the Governor, " an ex 
press came from Capt. Arndt, of Fort Allen, advising me of the King s 
arrival. The captain writes as follows : These are to inform you that 
Detiuscung is arriv d here yesterday evening, and there be at present 
about 200 Indians with him, with young and old. Detiuscung is in 
tended to stay here about five or six days, and in this time he expects 
100 Senecas here, and then he is intended to go to Easton in hopes to 
meet with his Honor the Governor. " 

J Erdmuth, mother-in-law of Teedyuscung, formerly of Gnaden- 
hiitten, so named for Erdmuth Dorothea, Countess of Zinzendorf. She 
left for Easton at the request of Governor Denny, to whom Bro. Peter 
Bohler wrote as follows : 


" When Capt. Arndt delivered your Honour s Letter to me, Teedy 
uscung s Wife s Mother was not found at home, she being gone out a 
couple of miles to seek Huckleberries, and is not expected home be- 


s. d. 

1757- Brotforw d 5 3 

July 28. For hire of a man for accompanying 2 Ind. 
men, 4 women, and 7 children to Eas- 
ton, and 3 Inds. from do. to Bethle 
hem 7 6 

" 1)4 bush. Indian corn deliv d some In 
dians returning to Fort Allen 4 6 

Aug. i. " hire of a man for going with 10 Ind n 
men, 2 women, and 4 children to 


Province of Pensilvania to the Gunsmith in Bethlehem, Dr. 
June 13. To mending 3 guns for Capt n Wetherhold s s . d. 

compv I0 

14. " mending i gun lock for Capt n Arndt s 

compy j 

29. " mending i do. for do 4 

July 9. i do. for do i 6 

24. " stocking, repairing, &c., 15 guns and I 
pistol, pr. order of Jacob Schneider, 
Insign, viz.: 
" stocking 8 guns, @ 9.5- 3 I2 

Carr d forw d 486 

fore night. Our Brethren will not be wanting on their part to forward 
her to Easton. 

" I am sorry though that yr. Honour has had such a groundless in 
formation as if we had refused her going to Easton. None of us did 
ever hear that Teedyuscung or his wife had desired her mother should 
come to them, and therefore it could not be that we refused her to go. 
Hoping that yr. Honour will clear us from such an aspersion, at least 
in your own mind, I am 

" Your Honour s most obedient and 

" most obliged humble servant, 



*. d. 

1757. Bro* forw d 486 

July 24. To putting a piece on a gunstock 4 

" repairing 2 old gunstocks and making 2 



" cleaning and straightening II gun bar- 

rells * 2 6 

" making 2 new breech pins, and mende 

several others IO 

" mending and sodering a gun barrell 2 

" boring a touch hole I 

" making 6 new loops to several barrels.... 
" making 2 new brass loops to the gun 

stocks l 

" making 7 cross screws through the breech 

pins and 4 plates to the triggers 5 6 

" making a sight and band on a barrell i 6 

" cleaning 10 gun locks 5 

" repairing 2 plates for gun locks 3 

" mending 3 cocks and hardening 6 ham 
mers 6 

" hardening, &c., 6 hammers and making 

2 screws 5 

" making 7 screws, &c. &c 7 

" 2 screws for tumblers, and a 

plate on a cock 

" making 15 screws for gun locks 7 6 

" i brass guard for a pistol 2 6 

July 30. " " I screw for a tumbler, and hard 
ening a steel hammer for a soldier from 

Fort Allen l 6 

Aug. i. " making a wiper for a rival, stealing a 
hammer, mending a screw for the gun 
lock for the Indian Tonnis, pr. order 
of Mr. Croghan 4 



BETHLEHEM, i Augs 1 , 1757. 


Province of Pensilvania to Bethlehem Tavern, Dr. 

For sundries deliv d y e In 
dians coming from and 
returning to Fort Allen, 
&c. &c., pr. order of Mr. 
1757. Horsfield : 

May 27. To supper and I quart of s. d. 

beer for Tatamy 10 

28. " 3 meals and I do. of do. 

fordo i 10 

29. " 3 meals and i gill of rum 

fordo i 10 

30. " 2 meals and I q t beer 

fordo I 4 

" I q l wine and 2 quarts 
beer for 8 Indians with 
Hugh Crawford* 2 8 

31. " i meal and i gill of rum 

for Tatamy 10 

" I quart and ^ pint of 
rum for Jo Peepy to 
take on the road to 
Fort Allen... I n 

ii 3 
Sundries deliv d 8 Indians 

and I soldier coming 
from Lancaster, as per 
acct., signed by Mr. Hugh 
Crawford : 
June 5. To supper for 3 Indians 

and I soldier 2 

Carr d forw d II 3 

* While at Bethlehem, and fitting out for his journey to Sir Wm, 


*. d. 
1757. Bro* forw d II 

June 5. To 2 gills of rum and 2 

quarts of cydar for do. I 4 

6. " i meal and \y 2 gill of 

rum for do 2 6 

" keeping their horses on 

hay and oats I 

" i supper for 4 Indians... 2 

7. "I meal for 6 Indians and 

i soldier 3 6 

12. "3 gills of rum and 3 q te 

cydar for 5 Indians 

and i soldier 2 

" I supper for do 3 

17 4 

13. " 2 meals fordo 6 

" 3 giH s f rum and 6 q ts 

cydar for do 3 

15. " 2 meals for 5 Indians... 5 

" 2 quarts of cydar for do. 8 

" i pint and I gill of rum 

deliv d at their return 

to Fort Allen I i 

" 2 meals for Moses Ta- 

tamy coming from 

Easton I 

" y z gill of rum and y z gill 

of rum for do 4 

" keeping his horse 8 

17 9 

17. "2 meals for I Indian and 

I soldier 2 

" YZ giU f rum an d l q 1 

cydar for do 6 

18. "1)4 gill f rum f r 2 I n ~ 

dians and I soldier.... 6 


Carr d forw d 264 


I 7 C7 

* d. 
Bro* forw d 264 

June 18. 

To supper for 5 Indians and 
I soldier 3 


" 2 meals for 2 Indians 
and 2 soldiers .. 4 


" 2 gills of rum and 2 
quarts of cydar for do. I 4 
" i meal and 4 gills of 
rum for 6 Indians and 
I soldier . 9 8 


" 10 quarts of beer for do. 3 4 
" I meal and 4^ gill of 
rum for do .... 5 

" 3 quarts of beer for do... I 

" I meal for 4 Indians and 
I soldier 26 

" 3 gills of rum and 4 
quarts of beer 2 4 


" 3 meals, 4 gills of rum, 
6 q te of beer for do 10 10 
" I meal, 3 gills of rum, 
2 ]/2 do for do 4 4 


" I meal, i *^ gill of rum, 
1^2 q l of beer for 2 
Indians and I soldier.. 2 6 
i " 6 

July 3- 

" supper and breakfast and 
I gill of rum deliv d to 
an express from Fort 
Allen . .... i 4 

" i peck of oats for his 
horse i 


" supper for i, 5 pint beer, 

Carr d forw d 4 19 2 

* Amid the excitement prevalent in view of the impending Treaty, 
and the passing and repassing of Indians and soldiers, the Brethren 


*. d. 
Bro 1 forw d 4 19 2 

and 5 half gill rum, 

deliv d Tom Evans* 

and 2 other Indians 

1757. coming from Easton... I 8 

July 5. To supper and breakfast de- 

liv d an express from 

Fort Allen i 

" I gill of rum and I q 1 of 

beer to do 8 

" I peck of oats and pas 
ture for his horse. .. i 6 

7 2 

10. " 2 meals for 9 Indians, 

viz., Solomon, Em 
mas,^ &c. &c., coming 

from Philadelphia 9 

" 5/4 <l ts beer and 4^ gill 

of rum for do 3 4 

11. " meals fordo 9 

" 5% I 15 f beer an d ^Yz 

gill of rum for do 3 4 

" 2 meals for Sam Evans 

and i soldier coming 

from Easton 2 

11 2 q ts of beer for do 8 

Carr d forw d 5 

commenced their annual harvest on " July 4," without intermitting 
the festivities with which they were wont to mark the ingathering of 
the fruits of the earth. The women with sickles, and under an escort 
of Indians, in one company, and the men in another, moved in pro 
cession,- amid the notes of flutes and horns, to the fields that lay to the 
east and west of the town. 

* One of the Harris family. 

f Quaere Amos Teedyuscung ? 



JL * d. 

Bro 1 forw d 564 

I 757- To i meal and i q* beer for do I 4 

July 12. " keeping their horses on 

hay and oats 2 3 

i 10 n 

1 6. "2 meals and I q* beer for 

Abraham* who came 

from Philadelphia I 4 

" 4 q ts beer and }/ 2 gill 
rum for 3 Indians and 
i soldier I 6 

" i peck of oats for their 

horses 6 

17. " breakfast and % gill of 

rum for Abraham 8 

25. " i meal, I gill of rum, 
and i q 4 beer deliv d 
to an express from 

Easton I 2 

" y 2 peck of oats for his 

horse 6 

5 8 

27. " dinner, 9 q te cydar, and 

9 gills of rum deliv d 
to 17 Indians and I 
soldier from Fort Allen 15 
" supper, 9 q te cydar, 9 

gills rum for do 15 

28. " breakfast, do. do. for do. 15 
" dinner and 10 q te cydar 

for 17 Indians n 10 

" supper, 9 q te cydar, 9 

gills rum for do 14 6 

" keeping 6 horses 2 days 

and 2 nights for do 12 


Carr d forw d 11 6 3 

* Quaere Mohican Abraham ? 


1757. Bro 1 forw d ................................ ii 6 

July 28. To 2 meals, 6 q ts cydar, and 
i*/2 gill of rum for 3 
Indians ................... 5 6 

29. " dinner, 4 q te cydar, and 

4 gills of rum deliv d 

7 Indians and I soldier 

from Fort Allen ........ 6 8 

" supper, 2 q ts cydar, and 

4 gills of rum for do.. 7 4 

" 2 meals, 3 q te beer, 3 

gills rum, 3 pint cydar 

for Nathanael and 2 

other Indians from 

Easton .................... 5 6 

30. " breakfast, 8*4 gills rum, 

8^ q te cydar, for 17 

Indians ................... 14 2 

I 19 

" breakfast, 5 pint beer, 
and 2% gill rum for 5 
Indians 4 2 

" dinner, 5 gills rum, and 
5 q te beer for 9 In 
dians and i soldier 
from Fort Allen 8 4 

" dinner and 4 pints cydar 
for 3 Indians and I 
soldier from Easton... 2 8 

" supper and 10 q ts cydar 

for 20 Indians 13 4 

31. " breakfast, I2j^ q* cydar, 
and 12^ gill rum de- 
liv d 25 Indians I 10 

Carr d forw d 13 5 


J. * 

1757. Bro t forw d 13 5 5 

July 31. To dinner and supper and 
26 q ts cydar deliv d 26 

Indians i 14 8 

Aug. i. " breakfast, 14 q te cydar, 
and loyz gill of rum 

deliv d 28 Indians 122 

" entertaining 9 horses 2 

days and 2 nights 126 

" dinner and supper and 
12 q ts cydar for 12 

Inds 16 

" entertaining 9 horses I 

day and i night 8 

7 12 

2. " breakfast, 3 gills rum, 

and 7 q ts cydar, de- 

liv d to 14 Indians 10 4 

" dinner and supper and 

14 q^ cydar for do 18 8 

" entertaining 8 horses I 

day and i night 8 

3. " breakfast, I q* cydar, 

and 6 gills of rum, de- 

liv d 12 indians 8 8 

" dinner and supper, 14 

q ts cydar and 7 gills 

rum deliv d 14 Indians i i 
" entertaining 8 horses I 

day and I night 8 

4. " breakfast, 3 q te cydar, 
and 7 gills rum for 
14 Indians 

Carr d forw d 24 



1757. Bro* forw d ... 24 12 

Aug. 4. To dinner and supper, 9 q te 
cydar, and 7 gills rum 

fordo 19 4 

5. " breakfast, 3 quarts cydar, 

and 7 gills rum for do. 10 4 

" dinner and supper, 6 q ts 
cydar, and 7 gills rum 
fordo..., 18 4 


27 ii 

BETHLEHEM, 6 August, 1757. GEORGE KLEIN.* 

Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 

For sundries deliv d the Indians opposite 

1757. Bethlehem, since the 27 last May, viz.: s. d. 

Aug. 5. To 2377 Ibs. bread, @\]^d. 12 7 7^ 

293 Ibs. beef, @ zy 2 d 4 5 7X 

" 51 Ibs. do. dry, 4^ 19 *X 

" 77 Ibs. dry venison, @ 3^/. 19 3 

" 5 Ibs. bacon, @ 5 %d. 2 3^ 

" 24 Ibs. veal, @ 2d. 4 

bush. Indian corn, @ 3^ 3 4^ 

galls, milk, @ 6d. 253 

Carr d forw d 24 3 6 

* George Klein. Born March, 1705, in Riickstadt. Immigrated 
to Pennsylvania prior to 1742, and settled in Lancaster County. In 
1747 he donated a piece of ground to the Brethren, on which a 
church and parsonage were erected by them in 1748. In 1749 the 
worshipers there were organized into a congregation, known as the 
"Warwick Congregation." In 1755, Klein and his family removed to 
Bethlehem. He deceased there in July of 1783. 


J- * 

1757. Bro 1 forw d 24 3 6 

Aug. 5. To 3^" bush, white meal, @ qs 13 

" ^ bush 5 beans, @ 4^ 2 6 

" attending y e above Indians each day 
from the 27 May to 5 August, 1757. 

Beeing 70 days, @ 6d. I 15 

26 14 

BETHLEHEM, 6 August, 1757. 

C. F. OUTER.* 

Ephraim Colver, Tavern Keeper, deliv d to Hugh Crawford for the use 

of the Province, being sent with the Indians that came from Lan 
caster, and in number 8 : 


May 29. To dinner (4*.), I pint wine (is.), 13 qts. s. d. 

cydar (4-r. 4</.) 9 4 

" supper for 6 Indians 2 

30. " 3 qts. cydar (u.), I pint wine (u.) 2 

" breakfast for 9 Indians and I white man 5 

" dinner for 8 do. and I do 4 

" 8 qts. cydar for 8 do 2 4 

" supper (3^.), 4 gills of rum ( I s. 4^.) to do. 4 4 

" breakfast for 10 Indians and I white man 5 6 
" keeping 3 horses 2 days on grass, hay 

and oats 4 9 

" 3 qts. cydar I 

These recv d by me, 

BETHLEHEM TAVERN, the 31 May, 1757. 

* Christian Frederic Orter, studios, jur ., from Schleiz, in Voigtland, 
came to Bethlehem with the second " Sea Congregation," in Novem 
ber, 1743. In 1744, organist, and in February, 1746, appointed book 
keeper to " The Family." Deceased at Bethlehem, April, 1793. 




Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 

757- s. d. 

Aug. 6. To an account deliv d 91 3 2^ 

10. " 20 galls, rum deliv d French Margareth, 
per order of Col. Weisser and George 

Croghan. (See Voucher i) 6 

" saddles, &c. &c., mending. (See Voucher 

2) 9 18 6 

" Bethlehem Store, for sundries. (See 

Voucher^ 229 

16. " smith work. (See Voucher^] I i 6 

25. " John Matthew Otto s bill. (See Voucher 

5) 21 12 3 

" stocking, mending, &c. guns. (See 

Voucher 6) 27 

26. " Bethlehem Tavern, for sundries deliv d 

the Indians from Fort Allen. (See 

Voucher 7) 13 4 JO 

28. " sundries deliv d Teedyuscung and compy 

and Capt n Arndt. (See Voucher 8)... 10 18 9^ 

29. " sundries deliv d the Indians coming from 

the Treaty. (See Voucher 9) no 3 8% 

" sundries deliv d the Indians opposite 

Bethlehem. (See Voucher 10) 9 15 9 


Teedyuscung s wife desired Mr. Horsfield 
to have a cabbin to live by herself, which 
he ordered to be built, for which we charge i 

304 i 10 


3 2 7 


The Indians that came from the Treaty* and many others that since 
that Time Come and Go have ransack t and plundered Our Orchard, 

* In the nfternoon of the 8th of August the Indians began to pass 
through Bethlehem on their return from the Treaty. Upwards of one 
hundred ca m e, among them Paxanosa, the Shawanese King of Wyo 
ming, and French Margaret. Colonel Weisser, with a detachment of 
Provincials under Captain Arndt, was their escort. On the next day 
the King and his family, Mohican Abraham, and Isaac Nutimus ar 
rived. Some of these unwelcome visitors halted for a few days, and 
some proceeded as far as Fort Allen and then returned, undecided as 
to where to go and what to do. During the month full two hundred 
were counted, men women, and children, among them lawless crowds 
who annoyed the Brethren by depredations, molested the Indians at 
the Manakasy, a nd wrangled with each other over their cups at " The 

Toward evening, on Sunday the 7th of August, Governor Denny 
and his retinue arrived unexpectedly at Bethlehem, crossed the ferry, 
and spent the night at " The Crown." He declined accepting the 
hospitalities of the Brethren on this side, although he was waited on in 
their behalf by Bro. Bohler. The young men accordingly entertained 
him with the music of wind and stringed instruments, from boats on 
the Lehigh in front of his lodgings. He set out for Philadelphia next 

The third Treaty at Easton, held between Teedyuscung for the In 
dians and George Croghan for the English, opened formally on July 
27th and closed on August 7th. Governor Denny and members of his 
Council, and a number of gentlemen from Philadelphia, among whom 
the Friends were largely represented, were in attendance. There 
were present of the Indians 159 of Teedyuscung s counselors and 
warriors, and 119 Senecas ; among these, representatives of the "Ten 
Nations who had only two heads of Kings between them." Pompshire 
interpreted for the Delaware, Captain Thomas McKee for the Crown, 
and Conrad Weisser for the Province. Teedyuscung having demanded 
a secretary to take down the minutes for his revision, it was reluctantly 
granted him, and he chose Charles Thomson, " Master of the Public 
Quaker School in the City of Philadelphia" the same Thomson who 
in the " Enquiry" pleads the cause of the Delawares with the calm 


going into our Gardens &c. shaking the Fruit from the Trees (we did 
not think proper to forbid them at this critical time with the Indians) 

composure of an advocate who is conscious of the innocence of his 
client, and of the certain triumph of truth and justice. After an ex 
change of the compliments usually preliminaiy to business on such oc 
casions, and the utterance of mutual assurances of regret for the past 
and of good hopes for the future, the King stated that the purchase of 
lands by the Proprietaries from Indians -who had no right to sell, and 
their fraudulent measurement subsequently, whether by miles or by hours 1 
walks, had provoked the war. This charge he demanded should be 
closely investigated, and on evidence appearing that injury had been 
done to the Indians they should have redress. " In that case," he 
said, " I will speak with a loud voice and the nations shall hear me" 
Hereupon he stated his purpose to settle with his countrymen in Wyo 
ming, adding that he would build a town there such as the white men 
build, and provide for the introduction of the Christian religion among 
his countrymen and for the education of their children. In conclusion, 
he demanded that the deeds by which the lands in dispute were held 
should be produced, that they be publicly read, and that copies be laid 
before King George and published to all the Provinces under his gov 
ernment. " What is fairly bought and paid for," he went on to say, " I 
make no further demands about; but if any lands have been bought of 
Indians to whom these lands did not belong, and who had no right to 
sell them, I expect satisfaction for these lands. And if the Proprietaries 
have taken in more lands than they bought of true owners, I expect 
likewise to be paid for that. But as the persons to whom the Proprie 
taries may have sold these lands which of right belonged to me have 
made some settlements, I do not want to disturb them or to force them 
to leave them, but I expect full satisfaction shall be made to the true 
owners for these lands, though the Proprietaries, as I said before, might 
have bought them from persons who had no right to sell them." After 
some hesitation on the part of the Province, in consequence of differ 
ence of opinion as to the propriety of complying with the Delaware s 
request, in as far as Sir William Johnson had been commissioned by 
royal appointment to hear the particulars of the charge brought against 
the Proprietaries, and the Proprietaries defense, and in consequence 
of Teedyuscung s reluctance to treat with the Baronet and his Indians, 
some of whom, he alleged, were parties, to the unauthorized sale of 
lands, the deeds relating to the purchases north of the Tohickon were 



and Carrying what they pleased away, but as this is a very great Dam 
age to us especially as our Family is very Large, we hope the Hon- 

produced and read. Agreeably to his request furthermore, copies of 
them were promised him for dispatch to Sir William Johnson, to be 
transmitted by the latter to King George for his determination. Upon 
this the Delaware rose to his feet, and, taking up two Belts tied together, 
spoke as follows : " I desire you would with attention hear me. By 
these two Belts I will let you know what was the ancient method 
of confirming a lasting peace. This you ought to have considered and 
to have done ; but I will put you in mind. You may remember when 
you took hold of my hand and led me down, and invited my uncles 
(several of whom are present), with some from each of the Ten Nations, 
when we had agreed, we came down to take hold of one of your hands, 
and my uncles came to take hold of your other hand. Now, as this 
day and this time are appointed to meet and confirm a lasting peace, we, 
that is, I and my uncles, as we stand, and you, as you stand, in the 
name of the great King, three of us standing, we will all look up, and 
by continuing to observe the agreements by which we shall oblige our 
selves one to another, we shall see the clear light, and friendship shall 
last to us, and to our posterity after us forever. Now, as I have two 
Belts, and witnesses are present who will speak the same by these Belts, 
Brothers, in the presence of the Ten Nations who are witnesses, I lay 
hold of your hand (taking the Governor by the hand), and brighten 
the chain of friendship that shall be lasting, and whatever conditions 
shall be proper for us to agree to may be mentioned afterwards. This 
is the time to declare our mutual friendship. Now Brother the Gov 
ernor, to confirm what I have said I have given you my hand, which 
you were pleased to rise and take hold of. I leave it with you. When 
you please, I am ready Brother, if you have anything to say as a token 
of confirming the peace, I shall be ready to hear, and as you rose I 
will rise up, and lay hold of your hand. To confirm what I have said 
I give you these Belts." 

"We now rise and take you into our arms," replied the Governor, 
"and embrace you with the greatest pleasure as our friends and Breth 
ren, and heartily desire we may ever hereafter look on one another as 
Brethren and children of the same parents. As a confirmation of this 
we give you this Belt." Gave a very large white Belt, with the figures 
of three men upon it, representing his Majesty, King George, taking 




orable the Commissioners will Generously consider this Affair, and 
make us an equitable Allowance for the Damage. 
I am in behalf of 

the Brethren, Gentlemen 

Your Humble Servant, 
BETHLEHEM, Aug 30 th , 1757. C. F. ORTER. 

Vouchers belongs to the foregoing Account. 

1757. Province of Pensilvania, Dr. 

Received on acct. of the Province three men s 

saddles, @ 35^. each. They being fifteen 

shillings dearer than the order, but they 

being good, I chose them instead of 2 Ibs. 

vermilion, rather than to stay longer. Also 

2 snaffle bridles, @ 45-. each. 

20 galls, rum, in four caggs, @ 6s. per 

gall 6 

Her mark 


BETHM., 10 August, 1757. 

hold of the Five Nation King with one hand, and Teedyuscung, the 
Delaware King, with the other, and marked with the following letters 
and figures : G.R., 5N., D.K., for King George, Five Nations, Dela 
ware King. 

* French Margaret, a Canadian, and niece of Madame Montour, 
was living, prior to 1745, with her Mohawk husband, on the Alle- 
ghany. In that year Martin Mack met her at the lodge of her cousin, 
Andrew Sattelihu, on an island in the Susquehanna, near Shamokin. 
In 1753 she was residing in a village of her own at the mouth of 
Lycoming Creek (quaere Newbury?) a few miles west of Mon 
toursville. Scull s map of 1759 notes it as "French Margarefs 
Town" Here Mack called upon her in the summer of 1753. "At 
9 A.M. August 28," he writes in his Journal, " Bro. Grube and I 
arrived at French Margaret s. She received us heartily, conducted 
us to her lodge, and set milk and watermelons before us. Do you 
remember me, mother ? I asked. I do, she said, but I have for 
gotten where and when I met you. On the island below, at Sha- 



Province of Pensilvania to the Sadler in Bethlehem, Dr. 

1757- s - (L 

Aug. 10. To 3 new hunting saddles, @ 35 s ............. 5 5 

" 2 snaffle bridles ............................... 8 

deliv d French Margaret, pr. order of 
Col. Weisserand Mr. George Croghan. 

Carr d forw d 

mokin, I replied ; eight years ago when my wife and I were spend 
ing some time among the Indians there. She at once recalled the 
occasion of our first meeting, and signified "her satisfaction at our 
having traveled so far to visit her. In course of conversation, for she 
was very communicative, she stated that her son and son-in-law had 
been killed in the winter while on a maraud against the Creeks. On 
asking permission to deposit our packs with her, until our return from 
the Delaware town of Quenischachschachky (Linden), Oh ! said she, 
the Indians there have been drinking hard the past weeks, and you 
will likely find them all drunk. On our return she gave us a refresh 
ing draught of milk, and entertained us with family news, speaking of 
Andrew, and of her husband Peter Quebec, who she said had not drunk 
rum within six years. She has prohibited its use in her town, and yet 
although she has initiated other reformatory measures within her little 
realm, she enjoys the respect and confidence of her subjects. Marga 
ret s children understand French, but are averse to speaking it." 

This lesser Indian queen frequently attended treaties, at Easton, 
Philadelphia, and at Albany. Sometimes she interpreted. Govern 
ment, desirous of retaining the Montour influence for the English, 
always met her with marked deference ; and yet she was an uncer 
tain ally, as appears from Weisser s statement to Peters in a letter 
written to the Secretary in May of 1755. "French Margaret with 
some of her Family is gone to the English Camp in Virginia, and her 
son Nicklaus is gone to Ohio to the French Fort. I suppose they 
want to join the stronger Party, and are gone to get information." 

In July of 1754, French Margaret and her Mohawk husband and 
two grandchildren, traveling in semi-barbaric state, with an Irish 
groom and six relay and pack-horses, halted a few days at Bethlehem 
on their way to New York. During her stay she attended divine 

33 2 


*. d. 
1757. Bro 1 forw d 5 13 

Aug. 10. To repairing 2 saddles for Patshenosh* 2 

" Leather for mending shoes, &c. &c 3 6 

" i new saddle and bridle for Teedyus- 

cung 2 

" repairing I bridle 2 

9 18 6 


Province of Pensilvania, for sundries deliv d at 
1757. Bethlehem Store, Dr. s. d. 

Aug. 8. To pipes, &c 2 

9. " 6^ yds. linnen, @ 3.?. 2d., to make a 

shrowd, cap, &c., for Bill Tattamy 19 9 

Carr d forw d I I 

worship, expressed much gratification at the music and singing, and 
was also pleased to find Sisters who were conversant with French. 
(One of these was Sister Judith Otto, relict of David Bruce, and 
daughter of John Stephen Benezet.) 

* Paxanosa, or Paxnous, " in April of 1754 the chief man in Wy 
oming," affected loyalty toward the English on the alienation of the 
Delawares and his countrymen, although he maintained but a doubt 
ful neutrality. The chief was always well inclined to the Brethren, 
and had befriended them signally at the time of the outbreak of hos 
tilities along the Susquehanna. He had not visited Bethlehem since 
the occasion of his wife s baptism in February of 1755. From her he 
now brought greeting, and regrets that lameness prevented her from 
coming to visit her Brethren and Sisters. Paxanosa set out on his 
return on the I3th, in company of Mohican Abraham. In May of 
1758 he removed with his family to the Ohio country. Paxanosa was 
the last Shawanese King, west of the Alleghanies. 

j- John Gottlieb Lange, master saddler for "the Family," came to 
Bethlehem with Henry Jorde s Colony in June of 1750. On the ab 
rogation of the Economy in 1762, he bought the saddlery stock on 
hand and tools, at a valuation of ,144. Deceased in July of 1764. 


- d. 

1757. Bro forw d i i <)% 

Aug. 10. To cash p d for 4 caggs to put French Mar 
garet her rum in 8 

" a p r of spectacles for Paxinosa i 

" fishing hooks for Abraham and him 6 

" a comb, snuff, gingerbread, and sope for 

Teediuscung I 10 

" a p r of buckles (is. &/.), pipes and tobacco 

for Paxinosa 3 

" salt deliv d for Nicodemus and Abraham, 

&c., over y e water 7X 

" cash p d for mending Jo Davis* his sadle. 6 

Errors excepted, pr. 


Bethlehem Storekeeper. 

Province of Pensilvania to the Smith in Bethlehem, Dr. 
1757. s. d. 

Aug. 12. To 2 new tomehakes 6 

" steeling 6 do 6 

" shoeing horses with 6 new shoes 6 

" mending a pan 2 

1 6. " mending and steeling 2 tomehakes, deliv d 
the Indians that came from y e Treaty, 
pr. order of Col. Weisser I 6 

i i 6 

Province of Pensilvania to John Matthew Otto, Dr. 


July 28. To visits, dressing, and curing an impostume 
in the thigh of Christoph Pock, a soldier 
of Capt n Arndt s Compy, from y e 9 to 28 s. d. 
July, pr. order of Capt n Arndt 2 I 

Carr d forw d 2 I 

* A Delaware. 


1757. Bro 1 forw d ................................ 2 I 

Aug. 9. To medicines, visits, attendance, &c. &c., for 
the Indian Wm. Tattamy,* from y e 8 
July to y e 9 August, who was shot 
through his thigh in the Irish settle 
ment, and having lodged at Mr. John 
Jones .......................................... 16 18 

Carr d forw d 18 19 

* A son of Moses Tattamy. In the forenoon of July 8, this young 
Delaware was recklessly shot by a Scotch-Irish lad, a few miles to 
the northwest of Bethlehem, as he was straying from the main body 
of Indians who were on their way to Easton, under escort of Capt. 
Arndt. This unprovoked act excited much remark among the Dela- 
wares, and it was feared might serve to embarrass the negotiations at 
the impending Treaty. Dr. Otto, of Bethlehem, was called in the 
afternoon to visit the wounded man, and had him conveyed that even- 
ng to the house of Mr. John Jones, a farmer living a mile east of the 
Bethlehem tract. Here he attended him. Of this occurrence, Capt. 
Arndt makes the following statement in a letter to the Governor, dated 

"EASTON, July 8, 1757. 


SIR, According as Titiuskong arrifed att fort Allin the 4th of 
these Instend July, with aboud 150 Indins, with young and old, and 
aboud fivety was there allredey with young and old, and according 
as Titiuskong hath Informed me that above one houndered of the 
Sinekers Indins would Come after him, that he was Intented to waid 
fore them att fort Allin six or seven Days, but as I fal wery shord 
with Provisions I was obligd to march with the Indins yesterday from 
fort Allin, there number was 150 that went with me to Easton, and 
the Remainder Stayd att fort Allin * * sum went back with a 
litle Provision fore there famly Down, and yeasterday I Came so fare 
with them as to John Haysis, and there Wee Stayd all night and 
these Day, wee set off from there and arrifed Safe at Easton, with all 
the Indins except one, William Dattame, an Indin, went withoud my 
Knowledge, and against my orders to Bathloham, and it hapened on 
his Road Wen he had Turned off that a foolish wite boy, aboud 15 


. *. 

1757. Brotforw 4 18 19 9 

Aug. 20. To ointment deliv d Lieut. Engel* for a 

wound in his leg 4 

" medicine del d Jo Peepy s wife for a 

rheumatism on the arm 6 

" medicines deliv d and dressing Ind n Nico- 

demus s son, having a sore leg 10 

" medicines for 6 Indians, and bleeding... 7 6 

Carr d forw d 20 

years of cage, folowed him, and Shot him in the Right Thigh of the 
out sid bone, but not morterly, and Just when I Came with the Indins 
and Ten men of my Company to escord the Indins to Easton, William 
Hays Came after me exepress with these Information, that William 
Dattamy was Shot, and according as mayor Parsons is absand from 
Easton, I considered that it was wery necessecery to stay with my men 
att Easton, fore to Protackt the Indins and to hinder all Scrobel and 
* * * which might fall out between Wite People and the Indins, 
until I shall Receve your houners fourter orders. 
" I am Sir, with all due Respect, 

" Your humble Servind att Command, 


Dr. Otto reported on the case to Justice Horsfield as follows : 

" BETHLEHEM, 27th July, 1757. 

SIR, I yesterday attended Wm. Tatamy twice ; His Wound looks 
well, is without inflammation, and discharges its Pus regularly. The 
swelling is also gone. To Day he turned himself alone, which he 
has not been able to do before, so that I believe, with good nursing 
and attendance, if nothing unforeseen happen, he may, by God s Help, 
recover. The violent Pain he complains of, at times, I apprehend, 
proceeds from some of the bones in his Groin being shot thro , or at least 

* Andrew Engel, commissioned Lieutenant in Capt Arndt s Com 
pany of ist Battalion of 1st Pennsylvania Regiment, January 5, 1756. 


s. d. 

1757. Bro* forw d 20 7 3 

Aug. 25. To visits, medicines, and attendance deliv d 
Conrad Haffner, a soldier of Lieu 1 . 
Engel s compy, from y e 10 July to 25 
August, having a gored eye i 5 

21 12 

BETH., 25 August, 1757. 

the tendinous parts being much lacerated. You may depend upon it, 
I shall do all in my power to perfect a Cure. 
" I am Sir, 

" Your most humble Serv*, 


And to Governor Denny in these words : 

"BETH M ., July 3ist, 1757. 

" By the letter I sent last Thursday, the 28th July, I gave your 
Honor an Account how it was with Wm. Tatamy, and the Circum 
stances of his Wound that Morning. The same Evening I found him 
in great Pains, the Wound did not look so well as before, and dis 
charged very little of its Pus, and that mixt with Blood, and he had a 
very bad Night. 

" Jul. zqtk. Tn the Morning came nothing from the Wound but a 
little Blood, mix d with Water. In the Evening he felt some Ease 
from his great Pains, but was Weaker than ever before, and his Pulse 
was very low, in which Circumstances Dr. Moore has seen him, who 
promised me to acquaint your Honor therewith. In the Night there 
upon he slept pretty much, but mostly out of Weakness. Yesterday 
he continued to sleep now and then, and his Pulse was something 
better; he slept also last night better than before. 

"This Morning, it being Sunday, Jul. 3ist, I open d his Thigh on 
the lower part, where for several Days I had observed a gathering, 
and the opening discharg d half a Pint of extravasated Blood, with 
some offensive Matter. As soon as I had made the Incision, the In 
dian said he did feel himself much eased, and I hope it will have a 




Province of Pensilvania to the Gun Smith in Bethlehem, Dr. 
For sundry work for the Indians that came 
from the Treaty at Easton, pr. order of 
Conrad Weisser and Georg Croghan, Esq., 
and by the direction of the Indian chiefs 
1757. Pachenosa and Abraham,* viz.: 

Aug. 5. To making a cock and cleaning and mending s. d. 
a gun lock 4 6 

Carr d forw d 4 6 

good Effect. His Hands and Feet which have been almost continually 
cold, I have found to-day in a natural Warmth. 

" I shall further acquaint your Honor how I find him from day to 

" I am your Honor s 

" Most obedient Humble Servant, 


Teedyuscung, in the second session of the Conference, on July 26, 
called the Governor s attention to the outrage perpetrated on William 
Tattamy. " One of the messengers," he said, "who was employed in 
conveying your messages to us, sent to promote this good work of 
peace, is now in a dangerous condition, having been shot by one of 
your young men. As I desire to be used with justice according to 
your laws, I insist that if this young man die, the man who shot him 
may be tried by your laws, and die also, in the presence of some of 
our people, who may witness it to all the nations that the English 
have done them justice." 

The Governor, in reply to this injunction, after reminding the King 
of the uncertainty of life in times of war, told him that the man who 
had committed the act was held in confinement, and promised that 
in case the Indian died of the wound, the former should be tried by 
the laws of the country which required blood for blood, and in the 

* Mohican Abraham, or Captain Abraham, or Abraham S/iabasch, 
one of the first converts from the Indians ; first of Shecomeco, and then 
of Gnadenhiitten. Withdrew from that mission in 1754. Deceased in 
Wyoming in December of 1762. 


jC s . ,/. 
1757. Bro* forw d 4 6 

Aug. 9. To do. a foresight for a soldier from Fort 

Allen 6 

" do. a breech screw and steel for a gun... 5 6 

" drawing out y e barrel and making 2 sights 

toit 3 6 

" stocking a long gun, a new lock, clean 
ing, filing, and straightening the barrel, 

and making a loop in it I 6 10 

" stocking, cutting over, cleaning, mending, 

&c., a rifle i 16 10 

Aug. 10. " mending sundry gun locks 17 

" stocking a gun, making a brass attire, 
sodaring the barrel, mending the 

lock, &c i 9 6 

" stocking a rime, making sundry screws, 

a breach pin, a screw plate, a wiper, &c. i 8 8 

" mending and repairing a gun 5 

" stocking a gun, making a sight, &c 10 6 

II. " cutting over a riffle, making a breach pin, 
mending the stock and the lock, 

&c. &c i 3 4 

" mending a gun lock 5 

" " " and cleaning the barrel.. 4 6 
" stocking a gun, making a breach plate, &c. 18 8 
" repairing a rifle with 2 barrells and mend 
ing the locks 7 I0 

Carr d forw d n 7 

presence of such of his countrymen as he the King should depute to at 
tend the trial. This promise he confirmed by a string ; and turning 
to the afflicted father, " Brother Moses Tattamy," he said, "you are 
the father of the young man who has been unfortunately wounded. It 
gives us great concern that anything of this kind should happen. We 
have employed the most skillful doctor that is amongst us to take care 
of him, and we pray that the Almighty would bless the medicines that 
are administered for his cure. We, by this string of wampum, remove 
the grief from your heart, and desire no uneasiness may remain 


s <t- 

1757. Bro forw 4 n 7 8 

Aug. II. To mending a gun lock 6 

15. " mending a gun stock, making a breach 

pin, and cleaning the barrell 5 9 

" drawing a gun barrell and mending the 

lock 5 

ii 18 ii 

1 6. " mending a gun stock, repairing the 

lock, &c 12 6 

" mending a gun 2 

" making a main spring, &c 4 6 

" repairing a gun, &c 2 6 

" mending a gun lock, making a steel, &c. 6 6 

" " " and a barrell 6 

" repairing a rifle and a lock ... 7 6 

" " " " ii 6 

" mending a rifle and a lock 9 

" cutting over a rifle, mending the lock and 

the stock 12 6 

" mending a gun lock, making a breech 

pin, &c 6 6 

" mending a gun lock 6 

" " making brass loops 

to the stock 5 6 

" do. and do. 4 6 

" cutting over a rifle, mending the gun 

lock, making 2 loops and a wiper, &c.. 16 8 

" setting a piece on a gun stock 4 

18. " mending a gun lock 5 

" stocking a rifle, &c 15 6 

" " cutting over the barrell, 

and mending the lock I 4 

" mending a gun and a lock 18 

" cutting over a rifle, and mending the lock 1 1 6 
" " and making a wiper, a 

brass guard, &c 13 

Carr 4 forw d 21 18 I 


*. d. 
1757. Bro* forw d 21 18 I 

Aug. 20. To stocking 2 rifles (i 8.T.), cutting over 

and cleaning ( 1 5^) 2 3 

22. " mending 2 gun locks, and other repairs 

to sundry guns, with some brass work. I 14 4 
24. " mending 2 gun stocks for Capt n Arndt s 


Aug. 6. 








" do for Lieut. Engel s compy 
" mending the locks for do 



Province of Pensilvania to Bethlehem Tavern, Dr. 
For sundries deliv d the Indians coming from 
and going to Fort Allen, &c. &c., viz.: 
To breakfast and cyder for 14 Indians 
" dinner and 19 pints cyder for 19 " 


















" dinnerand2O " for 20 " 

" breakfast and 29 " for 29 " 
" dinner and 20 " for 20 " 
" supper, 15 half gills rum, and 15 pints 
beer, deliv d 15 soldiers from Easton... 
" breakfast, 15 half gills rum, and 15 pints 

" 5 half gills of rum for 5 Indians from 
Fort Allen 

" supper and ^ pints cyder for do 

" breakfast, 5 gills rum, and 5 pints cyder 

" dinner and 5 pints cyder for do 

" supper and ^ " for do 

" " K S*U- rum > an d l pi nt cyder 
for i Indian 

Carr d forw d ..., 7 




I757- Bro l forw d ................................ 7 13 6 

Aug. 17. To breakfast, 6 half gills rum, and 6 pints 

cyder, for 6 Indians ......................... 5 

" dinner and 6 pints cyder for do ............ 4 

" supper, 6 half gills rum, and 6 pint 

cyder for do .................................. 5 

" supper, 8 half gills rum, 8 pint cyder 

for 8 Indians 6 8 

1 8. " breakfast, 13 half gills rum, and 13 pint 

cyder, for 13 Indians 10 10 

" dinner and 14 pint cyder for 14 Indians.. 9 4 

" " X giN rum for * Indian from 

Fort Allen 8 

" supper and 8 pint cyder for 8 Indians.... 5 4 

19. " breakfast, 18 half gills rum, and 18 pint 

cyder for 1 8 Indians 15 

" dinner and 12 pint cyder for 12 Indians.. 8 

" supper and 18 pint " for 18 " ... 12 

20. " 1 8 half gills rum deliv d 18 Indians re- 

turn d to Fort Allen 3 

23. " dinner and supper and 3 half gills rum 
deliver* 1 3 Indians coming from Lan 
caster.* 6 

Carr d forw d 12 

I 10 

* These were the three Nanticokes who had passed through Beth 
lehem in July, on their way to Easton. On arriving there they de 
sired of Major Parsons that the Governor would grant them an escort 
to Lancaster, stating that they had come to remove the bones of their 
friends that had deceased there during the Treaty, to their own town 
for burial. " The presents were delivered to the Indians in their camp, 
after which Mr. Croghan condoled with them on account of some of 
their people who died of Small Pox since they came, and gave them a 
piece of strowd to cover the graves of the deceased, agreeable to the 
ancient custom of the Six Nations." Minutes of Treaty at Lancaster, 
May, 1757. 

On the 23d of August, the three reached Bethlehem with the re- 


Bro* forw d ................................ 12 I 10 

Aug. 23 To supper and 2 pint cyder for 2 Indians 

from Fort Allen ............................. J 4 

24. " breakfast and 2 q ts cyder, 2 half gills rum 

for do .......................................... 3 

" breakfast and dinner and 3 pint cyder for 

3 Indians ...................................... 3 6 

" supper and 3 pint cyder for do ............. 

25. " breakfast and 12 pint cyder for 14 Indians 9 

26. " supper and 4 pint cyder for 4 Indians.... 

" 2 gills of rum for do .......................... 

" supper, I pint cyder, and y z gill rum for 

I Indian .............................. Io 

13 4 10 


Province of Pensilvania to Bethlehem Tavern, Dr. 
For sundries deliv d Tattitiskund, 13 soldiers, 
Capt n Arndt, with 2 waggons, pr. order of 
1757. Collonel Weisser, viz.: 
Aug. 9. To supper, 16 half gills rum, and 16 pints s. d. 

beerfori6 1 3 4 

" supper for Capt n Arndt and I pint wine.. 2 

10. " breakfast, 16 half gills of rum, and 16 

pints cyder for 1 6 do J 3 4 

" dinner, and 15 pints beer for 15 do 10 

Carr d forw d I 18 8 

mains of their chief, and after a halt of two days, set out for the Indian 
country. Heckewelder states that " the Nanticokes were known to go 
from Wyoming and Chemung to fetch the bones of their dead from 
the Eastern Shore of Maryland, even when the bodies were putrescent, 
so that they were compelled to take off the flesh and scrape the bones 
before they could carry them along. I well remember" having seen 
them between 1760 and 1780, loaded with such bones, which being 
fresh, were highly offensive, as they passed through Bethlehem." 


* d. 

1757- Bro l forw d I 18 8 

Aug. 10. To supper, 15 half gills rum, and 15 pints 

cyder for 15 12 6 

" 2 meals for Capt n Arndt, and \y z pint 

wine 3 3 

11. " breakfast, 15 half gills rum, and 15 pints 

cyder for 15 12 6 

" dinner, 14 pints beer for 14 9 4 

" supper, 14 half gills rum, and 14 pints 

cyder for 14 u g 

" 2 meals for Capt n Arndt and i l / 2 pint of 

wine 3 3 

12. " breakfast, 14 half gills rum, and 14 pints 

cyder for 14 II 8 

" dinner, 14 pints beer for 14 9 4 

" 2 meals, and y 2 pint wine for Capt n Arndt 3 3 
" pasture for 9 horses, 3 days and nights, 

@ 6d. per day for each 13 6 

" 40^ peck of oats for do., @ gd. per peck I 10 4^ 

" hire of a horse 2 days 5 

26. " sundries deliv d Taduskund* and compy, 

with wife and children, after his return 
from the Indian country, viz.: 
" breakfast for him, his wife, and 2 children I 8 

Carr d forw d 8 5 ny 

* Immediately after the Treaty, Teedyuscung passed through Beth 
lehem on his way to the Indian country. Thence he returned on the 
25th of August, bringing with him a Peace Belt which he had received 
from four Alleghanies above Wyoming. Bro. Edmonds escorted him 
to Philadelphia, whither he took the token, for delivery to the Gov 
ernor. In an interview with him, he stated that the Alleghanies had 
told him that they had struck their brethren the English, at the in 
stance of the French. " This belt," he proceeded to say, they gave 
me to confirm these words, We have heard, O Teedyuscung, of the 
good work of peace you have made with our Brethren the English, 


* ". 

1757. Bro forwd 8 5 i\y 2 

Aug. 26. To 10 q ts beer, 3 half gills rum, i # pint 

wine 5 4 

" dinner for him, his wife, and 3 children. 2 

Carr d forw d 8 13 3^ 

and that you intend to hold it fast. We will not lift up our hatchet 
to break that good work you have been transacting. " Colonial 
Records, vii. p. 725. 

In the afternoon of the 27th, the Brethren Spangenberg, Bohler, 
and Mack had a conference with the Delaware King, Augustus George 
Rex acting as interpreter. The interview was sought by the Brethren, 
and the following is the substance of what transpired on the occasion : 
" In response to an invitation, Teedyuscung and his family met us 
this afternoon at a cup of coffee. It was plainly perceptible that the 
King was gratified at the opportunity given him in this way of ex 
pressing his views on the war, on which the conversation soon turned. 
He told us that he was solicitous for peace, that the Six Nations had 
empowered him to effect one, and that the other Indians looked to him 
for its speedy consummation. He then produced a fourfold string of 
wampum that had been given him by four Alleghany Indians at Tenk- 
hanneck, and also a Belt, both of which he had deposited with Bro. 
Horsfield on his arrival. They signified, he told us, the intention of 
the senders to comply with the decisions of the Treaty lately held at 
Easton, and added that he would carry these tokens to the Governor 
in person, and that he had dispatched his son and the four above- 
mentioned Indians with the large Belt given him at Easton, to Alle 
ghany. We encouraged him to persevere in his purpose of bringing 
about peace, even if he were to imperil or lose his life in the attempt; 
observing at the same time, that peace was an unspeakable blessing, 
and almost above price. We went on to say that we the Brethren 
oftentimes ventured our lives in bringing the Gospel to the Heathen 
who were ignorant of a Saviour, that we had come to the country for 
this purpose, and not to purchase land of the Indians ; that what land 
we had, we bought of the whites, and finally that we had never pur 
chased nor ever desired to purchase as much as a handsbreadth of land 
from his countrymen. 

" Bro. Spangenberg next asked him for an explanation in reference 


ft </ 

1757- Bro forW 1 8 13 3^ 

Aug. 26. To 7 pints wine, 10 q te beer 10 4 

27. " breakfast for him, his wife, and 2 Indians 2 

" 7 pints wine, 5 q ts beer, and 2 gills rum.. 9 4 

Carr d forw d 9 14 

to a string that had been carried by Jo Peepy to Lancaster, accom 
panied by the words I am grieved to see my countrymen at Bethle 
hem and in the Jerseys held as captives, and forbidden to hunt where 
they please. I desire that they be set free, that they hunt where they 
please, and that they remove to Susquehanna which string and words 
were reported to have come from him the King." (See Minutes of a 
Conference held "with the Indians at John Harris" 1 , April 2, 1757, 
Colonial Records, vol. vii.) 

"Teedyuscung in reply acknowledged that he had sent the message, 
alleging, however, that the string and words had been dispatched to 
him for delivery by the Alleghanies. 

" Bro. Spangenberg hereupon made the following statement. The 
Brethren are not censurable for the stay of the Indians in the settle 
ments. Twelve years ago (May 24^/1 to July 12th, 1745), I journeyed 
to Onondaga in company with David Zeisberger (Anousseracheri), 
purposely to treat with the Six Nations about the removal of our In 
dian Brethren and Sisters to the Susquehanna. On my return we 
made a proposition to the Mohicans at Shecomeco to remove there. 
They expressed a disinclination to do so. On their arrival at Bethle 
hem (1746) we laid the proposition before them a second time, telling 
them it would be well for them to entertain it, and that Bro. Mack, 
accompanied by Abraham Shabasch and Gideon Mauweesemen, were 
gone to Wyoming to perfect preliminaries. When the time was come 
for them to give a decisive answer, they told us that they had con 
cluded not to go. We accordingly permitted them to plant at Bethle 
hem, and then at Gnadenhiitten on the Mahoning, where we had pur 
chased lands for them as you the King well know. Augustus can 
also testify that we had recommended our Indian Brethren at Menio- 
lagomeka to remove to the Susquehanna ; and he well remembers that 
the Brethren Mack and Grube and myself had proposed the measure 
in his lodge in the village. We made this proposal to the Indians of 
Meniolagomeka a second time at Bethlehem. Both offers were re- 



* d. 

1757. Bro* forwd ................................ 9 14 n) 

Aug. 27. To dinner for him and 3 Indians ............... 2 

" 2^ pint wine, 10 q ts beer ................... 5 10 

28. " breakfast for him, his wife, and 3 Indians 2 6 

Carr d forw d .............................. 10 5 

jected. When some time afterward they were compelled to vacate 
their settlement on the Aquanshicola, we permitted them to remove 
to Gnadenhiitten, as the season was already far advanced and the time 
for planting corn would be past on their reaching the Susquehanna. 
A few years ago some Nanticokes came down from the River and 
asked us to open our arms and permit the Indians to remove to their 
neighborhood. We told them that while we would not compel our 
Indian Brethren to remain at Gnadenhiitten, we would reluctantly 
have them go and live among savages who loved wickedness and not 
the Saviour, adding, that were they to remove there unattended by one 
of the Brethren who could care for them and their children, the re 
moval would be ruinous to their souls. 

" In the next place we informed Teedyuscung that we had pur 
chased a tract of land near Bethlehem, on which w r e proposed to estab 
lish our Indian Brethren and Sisters, and then asked him whether he 
objected; remarking that the whites were at liberty to settle where 
they chose and that the Indians we thought were entitled to the same 
privilege. He made answer that probably the white man was under 
no restriction in the choice of a home, but that if he settled in the 
white man s country he was subject to the white man s law. 

" Bro. Spangenberg remarked in reply that his observations were 
just, and the inference to be drawn from them was incontrovertible. 

" Teedyuscung resumed by asking the following question : Why 
cannot the Indians who love the Saviour remove to the Indian country 
and plant along the Susquehanna? and then added, the Brethren 
surely can visit them, preach to the men and women, and instruct the 

"Bro. Spangenberg rejoined by saying that in case our Indian 
Brethren and Sisters were to remove there, they would require a 
town of their own, and in it a school and a church where the Gospel 
could be freely preached. For this he would stipulate in advance. 
And furthermore he would make it a condition, that all Indians who 


> s. 

1757. Bro 1 for w d 10 5 

Aug. 28. To 3 pints wine, 2 q ts beer, and 2 gills rum.. 4 

" dinner for him, his wife, and 4 Indians.. 3 

" 2 q ts cyder and I pint wine I 

Carr d forw d 10 14 


should be desirous of hearing of the Saviour, should be at liberty to 
come to the town ; and on the other hand all that were disinclined to 
his service, or did wickedness, or were seducers, should be excluded. 
There would in fact be no occasion for the latter class to resort to, or 
to take up their abode in the town under consideration, as the Indians 
had ample lands and room for settlement elsewhere along the River. 

" Teedyuscung took no exception to these conditions, assented to all 
that had been said, and then expressed a wish that the Indians who 
loved the Saviour might live together. 

" If there be any likelihood of this coming to pass, resumed Bro. 
Spangenberg, I desire that the settlement be made in the valley 
where the Shawanese had their seats fifteen years ago ; and if the 
owners of the land make us a proposal to buy, Bro. Mack and myself 
will gladly go up to Wyoming and view the place and select a spot. 
Even in that event, however, our Indian Brethren must be permitted 
to exercise the right of preference, so that those who choose to remain 
at Bethlehem can remain, and those who choose to remove to the 
Susquehanna can do so. I insist on this demand, as it involves a prin 
ciple which must remain inviolate. 

"At this stage of the interview Bro. Spangenberg informed Teedyus 
cung of the intention he had had, soon after the opening of hostilities, 
to repair to the Indian country, in order to treat with the Indians for 
a peace. This cherished project, he added, he had been obliged to 
abandon, as it failed to meet with the approval of Governor Morris. 

" In course of conversation, Teedyuscung stated that during hostili 
ties the wildest reports prejudicial to the Brethren had been in circu 
lation among the Indians. It was currently believed by them, 
among other things, that the Brethren had decapitated the Indians 
that had fallen into their hands, had thrown their heads into sacks 
and sent them to Philadelphia. This charge and others equally ex 
travagant had so exasperated the Indians that a number of them had 
conspired to attack the Brethren s settlements and cut off the inhabit- 


s. d. 

1757. Bro 1 forw d ................................ 10 14 3* 

Aug. 28. To shoeing his horse ............................. I 6 

" hay and oats for do ............................ 3 

10 18 


ants without regard to age or sex. That Paxanosa, and he the King, 
had on one occasion persuaded 200 warriors who had banded together 
for this purpose to desist from their intention until they had certain 
assurance of the truth of the charge. He also stated that the Shawa- 
nese brave whom he had killed near Easton on the way to the Treaty, 
had led the attack on the Mahoning. 

" In conclusion, we brought to his consideration the case of the 
strange Indians who since the suspension of hostilities had resorted to 
Bethlehem, telling him that while we were disposed to feed the hungry 
and to clothe the naked and to entertain our friends, our means would 
not long permit us to provide for these visitors in large numbers. To 
this he replied that as soon as his countrymen were again settled, and 
consequently in a condition to make a livelihood, they would refund 
the cost of their present support. Meanwhile it was the duty of the 
Governor and of the Commissioners to make proper provision for them 
and to reimburse the Brethren ; that he would call their attention to 
this thing, and lest he should forget to do so, we should be pleased to 
address them a letter, and give it in the care of Mr. Edmonds, who 
was to be his escort to Philadelphia. 

" Throughout the interview the King was animated and strictly at 
tentive. He is naturally quick of apprehension and ready in reply. 
In the course of the conversation he frequently alluded to his baptism, 
and to his former membership in the mission, observing in this con 
nection with apparent regret that he had lost the peace of mind he 
once enjoyed, that he hoped, however, it would return, and that it was 
his sincere desire to remain in connection with us in preference to any 
other people among the whites." 



Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards at Bethlehem, Dr. 

For sundries deliv d y e Indians coming from 
1757. y e Treaty, &c., per order of Col 1 Weisser. 
Aug. 8. To supper for 75 Indians, and each ]/^ gill s. d. 

rum and I p* cydar 326 

9. " breakfast for 75 do. do. do. do 326 

" dinner for 170 do. and pint cydar each.. 5 13 4 
" supper for 215 do. ^ gill rum and I pint 

cydar each 8 19 2 

10. " breakfast for 215 do. do. do. do.... 8 19 2 
" dinner for 215, and each I pint cydar.... 734 
" supper for 215, and do. ^ gill rum and 

I pt. cydar 8 19 2 

" 2 expresses to y e Justices Craig and Wil 
son, and W m Parson, Esq r , to acquaint 
them of Bill Tattemy s death, Mr. 

Horsfield being absent 7 

" a coffin, diging the grave, and burying 

him* 2 2 

11. " breakfast for 215, and each ^ gill rum 

and I pint cydar 8 19 2 

" dinner for 215, and each I pint cydar.... 734 
" supper for 215 and each ^ gill rum and 

i pint cydar 8 19 2 

15. " breakfast for 215, and do. and do 8 19 2 

" dinner for 215, and each I pint cydar.... 734 

Carr d forw d 89 12 4 

* After lingering for a month, young Tattamy died, in the house of 
John Jones, on the 9th of August. Meanwhile he had been visited by 
Brethren from Bethlehem, and ministered to spiritually by Bro. Jacob 
Rogers, as he had been under John Brainerd s teaching at Cranberry, 
and professed Christianity. Intelligence of his decease was immedi 
ately expressed to Justices Thomas Craig and Hugh Wilson, of the 
Irish Settlement. On the nth the remains were interred in the old 
grave-yard, near the Crown, in the presence of upwards of two hun 
dred Indians, Bro. Rogers reading the burial service. 


s. d. 
1757. Bro t forw d ................................ 89 12 4 

Aug. 15. To supper for 70, and each y z gill rum and 

ip beer ...................................... 2 18 4 

13. " 70 half gills rum for do ..................... II 8 

" pasturing 42 horses 4 days and nights, at 

6d. per day and night for each .......... 4 4 

" 2 coffins for 2 Indians that came sick 

from Easton and died here* .............. I 

" 119 Ibs. bread, @ i%d., and I bush 1 In 
dian corn, @ 3-r., deliv d some Indians 
returning to Fort Allen .................. 15 4 

" hire of a man and horse as a guard for 

the Indians to John Hays ................. 5 

" a horse deliv d to French Margareth, she 
having lost 2 horses, as she said, un 
less helpt with one must be detained 
on the Province expence ................. 5 

20. " pasturing 20 horses 7 days and nights, 

@ 6d. each per day ........................ 3 10 

29. " do. 6 horses 9 days and nights, @ 6d. 

per day and night ........................... I 7 

" sundry men watching in the night when 
the large company of Indians was here, 
some of them coming over in the night, 
and made much disturbance by break 
ing the windows, and other mischief... I 


* Immediately after Bill Tattamy s interment, Bro. Schmick, at her 
urgent request, baptized a Delaware woman from Lechawachnec, as 
she was lying under a tree near " The Crown" ii the last stage of con 
sumption. She received the name of Johanna. The next night she 
passed away, and on the I3th received Christian burial. On the same 
day the remains of an Indian boy were buried by the savages with 
heathen rites, in one corner of the consecrated ground. 


Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards at Bethlehem, Dr. 

For sundries deliv d the Indians opposite 

1757. Bethlehem, since the 6 August last. s. 

Aug. 29. To 1044 Ibs. of bread, @ l l /d. 5^ 

" 176 Ibs. of beef, mutton, &c., @ ~$d 2 4 

" * bush 1 white meal I 

" 7 bush 5 Indian corn, @ $d I I 

" 18 galls, milk, @ 6d. 9 

" attending the above Indians 24 days, 

from the 5 to 29 August, 6d. per day. . 1 2 

9 15 

DATED 31 OCTOBER, 1757. 

Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards at Bethlehem, Dr. 
1757. For sundries deliv d accords to instruction. s. d. 
Sept. 15. To an express to the Governor with a letter 
of Capt n Arndt,* advising of the ene 
my s coming on the frontiers, and ex- 
pences and loss of time in the town, 
waiting 3 days for an answer, @ $s. pr. 
day 2 

Carr d forw d 

* This letter brought the intelligence that a body of French and In 
dians had been met above Diahoga, on the way to the Minnisinks, their 
mission being to examine the strength of the defenses along the line 
of the northern frontier. Justice Horsfield informed the Governor, by 
this same express, of Teedyuscung s request that he, the Governor, 
without delay, fix the rewards on scalps and prisoners, and send him 
a belt of black wampum with an account of it. The measure, the 
King added, was unavoidable. 


J. d. 

1757. Bro* forw d 2 

Sept. 20. To cash p d Lewis Young and Jacob Folk 
going with 3 Indians to Joseph Kel 
ler s place,* 2 days, at request of Tee- 

dyuscung, @ 2s. 6d. each per day 10 

" sundries deliv d in Nazareth Tavern to 

do. (See Voucher \} 10 9 

" hire of a man and horse to go with 

Teedyuscung to Easton 5 

" a messenger going to John Hays to con 
duct some Indians on their journey to 

Fort Allen 3 6 

Oct. 13. " making a coat and jacket for Teedyus 
cung, and sundries deliv d for do. (See 
Voucher 2) I 13 3 

22. " Bethlehem Store, for sundries. (See 

Voucher $) I 17 2 j 

23. " an express to the Governor, with a letter 

advising the enemy having tacken Jo 
seph Keller s wife and 3 children cap 
tives, and expenses and loss of time in 
the town, waiting 2%. days, @ $s. per 

day I j6 3 

" medicines, bleeding, &c., Indians, &c. 

(See Voucher 4) 169 

27. " sundry gun-smith work. (See Voucher 

5) 5 5 7 

" leather deliv d Teedyuscung, for mending 

shoes 2 

Carr d forw d 15 

* Joseph Keller was a German farmer, and lived on this side of the 
Wind Gap, about five miles north of Nazareth. In an affidavit 
transmitted to the Governor he deposed " that on the i6th of Septem 
ber, while assisting his neighbors at plowing, three Indians had car 
ried off his wife and three of his sons, aged respectively fourteen, five 
and three years. They left a child of six months lying in the cradle 
without doing any damage to it, or to anything in the house." 


s- d. 
1757. Bro* forw d ................................ 15 10 3^ 

Oct. 27. To sundries deliv d the Indians out of the 
Tavern, coming and going to and 
from Fort Allen, &c. (See Voucher 6) 3 19 
" sundries deliv d out of the Tavern to Tee- 

dyuscung and family. (See Voucher*]} 19 3 2 
" sundry provisions, &c. deliv d to the 
Indians opposite Bethlehem. (See 
VoiicherS) .................................. 36 19 

75 ii 5/2 

BETHLEHEM, 31 October, 1757. 


Vouchers belonging to ye foregoing Account. 

Province of Pensilvania, Dr. 

To sundries deliv d at Nazareth Tavern to 
Jacob Folk, Lewis Young, and 3 Indians 
who was sent by Teedyuscung to Joseph 
Keller s place, to satisfy him of the truth 
of Keller s wife and children being taken 
1757. captive. 

Sept. 1 8. To victuals and drink (4^. io</.), ^ peck s. d. 
oats (6d.} ..................................... 5 4 

19. " do. do. (4.y. 4</.), ^ do. do. (6</.) ......... 5 5 


NAZARETH TAVERN,* 20 Sept., 1757. 

*"The Rose," built in 1752, one mile north of the Whitefield 
House, on the Nazareth tract, and so called from the red rose painted 
on its sign-board, in remembrance of the condition on which the 
Penns had sold the manor, which condition required the payment, if 
demanded, of " a red rose in June of each year forever." 



Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 
1757. For sundries deliv d Teedyuscung : 
Oct. 13. To i^ yd s brown linnen for his coat and 

jacket, given him by the Friends in s. d. 

Philadelphia,* @ 2s. ^d 4 i 

" T X y d buckram, @ 2s 2 6 

" 2 doz. coat buttons, @ is. $d. 2 8 

" \y 2 doz. west do., @ 8d. i 

" 3 sticks mohair, best sort, @ i s 3 

" silk 2 

" making the coat and jacket 18 

I 13 3 


Province of Pensilvania, Dr. 
1757. To sundries deliv d out of Bethlehem Store : s. d. 

Sept. I. " I Ib. powder and 3 Ibs. shot 5 6 

4. " 2 quires paper deliv d Capt n Arndt, @ is. 

for making cartridges 2 

Carr d forw d 7 6 

* During his two weeks stay in Philadelphia, whither he had gone 
under escort of Mr. Edmonds, on the 6th of October. In that inter 
val he was present at a conference with deputies of the Cherokees, 
Senecas, and Mohawks, who were being interested by the Governor 
in gaining over other Indian tribes to the English cause. Teedyuscung 
also conferred with the Governor on the present posture of the war, 
and stated that on reconsideration he thought it advisable to postpone 
sending the Black Belt until spring, adding that meanwhile the Peace 
Belt might be instrumental in bringing about the desired result. In 
conclusion, the Governor informed him of the appointment of com 
missioners to superintend the building of a town for him and his In 
dians at Wyoming, agreeably to the stipulations of the last Treaty. 
"The Secretary acquainted the Governor that yesterday the King ap 
plied to him for wampum and some money to pay his reckoning, and 
that he had given him three belts, ten strings, and two pieces of eight." 
Prov. Records, vol. vii. p. 756. 


1757. Bro forw d ................................ 7 6 

Sept. 1 6. To X bush 1 salt for the Indian over the water I 3 

" i Ib. powder deliv d the white men and 

Indians sent to Keller s .................. 3 6 

" \y 2 Ibs. of shot, @ &/., 6 pipes, @ i</. 

todo ........................................... i 6 

" ^ bush 1 salt deliv d Paxino s son* ......... 7 

20. " check for a pair trowsers for Teedyuscung 7 i 

" pipes and tobacco for do ........ 6 

" % Ib. of powder for do ........ 1 1 

" shot, sugar, and couckeys for do ........ 3 10 

Oct. n. " cash gave to bring home the horse at our 

return from Philadelphia .................. 6 

22. " cash gave for expences to the messenger 
sent to Pumpshire and Tatemy, pr. or 
der Mr. Hughesf ........................... 10 

I 17 

W M EDMONDS, Storekeeper. 

* He had arrived at Bethlehem on September I5th, with the intelli 
gence that the French Indians had been compelled to halt at Diahoga, 
the Delawares refusing to permit them to pass that point. The Shawa- 
nese set out on his return on the igth, taking with him two belts from 
Teedyuscung for the Ten Nations who had taken hold of the Peace 
Belt at Easton. The first was sent to testify to his command that they 
discover the perpetrators of the late assaults on the settlers south of the 
mountain, and that they restore all captives ; and the second to notify 
them of his residence at Bethlehem, where, should their chiefs come 
from Alleghany, they would be referred to him, and he would give 
them safe escort to Philadelphia. 

f John Hughes, one of the commissioners appointed by the Gov 
ernor, on October 5th, to build " Teedyuscung s Town" and erect a 
fort at Wyoming. (See Col. Records, vol. vii. p. 754, for the Commis 
sion.) At the King s request, he was come to escort him to Wyoming 
to consult with the commissioners about the settlement. On the 27th the 
two, accompanied by a number of Indians from "The Crown," set out 
on the journey, and the Brethren entertained the hope that this exodus 



Province of Pensilvania to John Matthew Otto, Dr. 
Oct. 8. To medicines for Henry Arndt, Capt n Arndt s s. d. 

brother, being in his company 4 6 

22. " medicines for Teedyuscung s wife and 

children, and bleeding at sundry times 7 3 

" curing an impostume on his son s thigh.. 6 

" bleeding 7 Indians opposite Bethlehem, 

and medicines for do. at sundry times. 9 

BETHLEHEM, 23 Oct r , 1757. 


Province of Pensilvania to the Gunsmith in Bethlehem, Dr. 

For sundry work done for Capt n Arndt s 
1757. Compy on the Province arms, viz.: s. d, 

Sept. 3. To putting a piece on a gun-stock 4 

" making 3 loops on y e barrell i 

" mending 2 do. to the stock 6 

" making a screw to the strap ring 6 

" cutting of the barrell and mending the 

sight 6 

9. " boring and drawing out a gun barrell 5 

" putting a piece on the stock 3 6 

Carr d forw d 15 

would be followed by others, and ere long by a full release from the 
presence of their troublesome Indian neighbors. Teedyuscung returned 
December I, hastened to Philadelphia, and there acquainted Governor 
Denny of his wish that the work of building the town be postponed to 
the following spring. Stating that he intended to go to Burlington on 
some business, he desired his passport and an order on the commis 
sioners " to allow him ten pounds for his journey, and something proper 
for Pompshire and Moses Tatamy." 


*. d. 

1757. Bro* forw d 15 

Sept. 9. To boring the touch hole I 

" mending the lock and making a screw to 

it I 

" making a main spring 6 

" making a dog and a screw I 6 

" do. a loop to the stock 9 

" hardening the steel 6 

" mending the briddle I 

" do. the lock and tumblers I 

16. " putting a piece on a gun-stock 3 

" making 3 loops to the barrell I 

" do. 2 do. for the ram-rod I 4 

" do. i lock screw 6 

19. " do. 3 screws for a gun I 6 

23. " mending a gun-lock plate I 

" making 4 screws to the lock 2 

" do. a new cock on a gun-lock 3 

" mending the tumbler and making a screw 

to it i 

29. " making 2 screws on a gun-lock i 

Oct. 7. " boring a touch hole and making a worm 

on the ram-rod i 6 

26. " stocking 4 guns, @ 95 I 16 

" cleaning 2 gun barrells 2 

" boring 2 touch holes 2 

" making 4 lock screws 2 

" do. a new breech pin 3 

" cleaning 2 locks I 6 

" making a cock-screw I 

" do. a cross screw and trigger plate... I 

" do. 2 new breech plates of brass 8 

" do. 3 loops for the ram-rod 2 

" repairing 2 guns for 2 Indians, pr. Tady- 
uscung s desire, on their parting for 
Wayomik, viz.: 

" a new tumbler and dog for a riffle lock... 4 

Carr d forw d 537 


J- d* 

1757. Bro forw d 537 

Oct. 26. To boring a touch hole I 

" making 2 lock screws I 

5 5 7 

BETHLEHEM, 27 October, 1757. 



Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 
For sundries deliv d out of the Tavern to the 
Indians coming and going to and from 
Fort Allen, not included in the other ac- 
1757. count for Teedyuscung. s. d. 

Aug. 30. To supper for 3 Indians I 6 

" 3 half-gills of rum and 3 pints beer i 

31. " breakfast for do I 6 

" 3 half-gills of rum and 3 pints beer i 

" dinner and supper and 6 pints beer for 

do 4 

Sept. I. " breakfast, 3 pints beer, and 3 half-gills 

rum for do 2 6 

" pasture for 2 horses for 2 days and nights 

for do 2 

10. " do. for I do. for 8 days and nights 4 

15. " dinner, 2 half-gills rum, and 5 pints cy- 

dar for 5 Indians 3 8 

" supper and 5 pints cydar for do 3 4 

19. " keeping 2 horses 7 days and nights, @ 

lod. each n 8 

24. " keeping I do. 1 1 days for an Indian from 

Diaogu* 9 2 

" I gill rum for do 4 

Carr d for\v d 2 5 

*" September 24. Fourteen strange Indians arrived from Diahoga." 
Bethlehem Diarist. 


. d. 

1757. Bro forwd 258 

Sept. 24. To dinner and I gill rum for 9 Indians and 

5 children came from the Pensbury. ... 6 6 

" breakfast for do 6 2 

Oct. 2. " supper, 2 half-gills rum for 2 Indians I 4 

4. " breakfast and I qt. cydar for 2 do I 4 

" keeping 2 horses 2 days and nights 3 4 

20. " dinner, 4 qts. cydar, and 2 gills rum de- 
liv d to 10 Indians and 3 boys y* came 

from Pensbury* 8 

" supper for 8 Indians and 2 boys 4 8 

" do. and I qt. beer for 2 Indians and 

2 children y l came from Pensbury 2 

3 19 

N.B. The Indians being Delawares, Teedyuscung said at the 
Treaty he had liberty to call them into this Province; accordingly, 
some of them came from the Jersey to Pensbury, and afterwards here. 


BETHM, 31 Oct., 1757. 

Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 

For sundries deliv d out of the Tavern to 
1757. Teedyscung and family, &c., viz.: s, d. 

Aug. 30. To I pint wine I 6 

Sept. 6. f " i quart beer 4 

Carr d forw d .... I 10 

* " October 20. Young Captain Harris (Peter) arrived with twenty 
Indians from Pennsbury." Ibid. 

Pennsbury, a Proprietary Manor in the southeast corner of Bucks 
County, on the Delaware, was laid out pursuant to William Penn s 
directions, written to William Markham, in a letter dated " y e 13 2 d mo., 
1689," as follows : " I send to seat my children s Plantation that I gave 
them, near Pennsbury, by Edward Blackfan." 

f On this day Teedyuscung returned from Philadelphia, after the 
delivery of the Peace Belt, sent him by the Alleghanies, to the Gov- 


. *. d. 
1757. Bro* forw d I 10 

Sept. 7. To breakfast and supper for him and his wife 2 

" 2 half-gills rum and I qt. beer for do 8 

8. " breakfast, dinner, and supper for do 3 

" 2 gills rum 8 

9. " breakfast, dinner, and supper, 2 half-gills 

rum for do 3 4 

" 3 pints wine, 2 half-gills rum, and 2 

quarts beer for do. and other Ind s 5 6 

IO. " breakfast and dinner and 2 qts. beer for 

him and his wife 2 8 

12. " do. and do. and supper, and 3 qts. beer 

for him, his wife, and 2 children, the 
grown people @ 6d. and the children 
@ \d 6 

13. " breakfast and dinner, and 3 q ts beer for 

do 4 4 

14. " breakfast and dinner, I p* wine, 4 q ts beer 

fordo 6 2 

15. "I pt. wine for him, having eat nothing 

that day I 6 

1 6. " breakfast for him, his wife, and 2 chil 

dren, and i pt. wine instead of rum... 3 2 

" supper and I q l cydar for do 2 

17. " breakfast and 3^ gills of rum for do 2 10 

" dinner and supper, 3 qts. beer for do 4 4 

" 4 qts. beer, and 2 p l wine for do. and 

other Indians 4 4 

1 8. " breakfast, dinner, and supper, and I gill 

of rum for him, his wife, and 2 chil 
dren 5 4 

" 3X c l ts - beer and 2^ pints wine for do. 
and other Indians whom he sent to 
Keller s place to inquire about a mis 
chief done there.... 4 2 

Carr d forw d 3 

ernor. He signified a wish that the Brethren would permit him to 
pass the winter at Bethlehem. 



s. d. 

1757. Bro forw d 3 12 4 

Sept. 19. To breakfast, dinner, and supper, for him, 

his wife, and 2 children 5 

" 4 gills rum, 4 q ts beer, 2 q ts cydar, and 
2^2 pints wine for do. and other In 
dians 6 4 

20. " breakfast, dinner, and supper for do 5 

" 4 gills rum, 5 qts. cydar, and I bowl of 

punch for do. and other Indians 4 6 

" dinner, 3 qts. beer, i j gill rum, and I p t 
wine deliv d 3 Indians who returned 
from Jos. Keller s 4 6 

21. " breakfast, dinner, and supper for him, his 

wife, and 2 children 5 

" 2 q ts beer and 2 gills rum for do I 4 

22. " breakfast, dinner, and supper for do 5 

" 2*4 q ts beer and \y 2 gill rum for do I 4 

23. " breakfast and supper, and \y z gill rum 

for do 3 10 

" 2 p te wine for do. and other Indians 3 

" 12 q ts beer, n gills rum, and I q* wine, 
when he dispatsch d Indians (i Paxa- 
nos son) to Diaogu with a belt of 
wompum to the chiefs, to inquire 
about the murder and prisoners made 
at Keller s 10 8 

24. " breakfast, dinner, and supper for him and 

his family 5 

" I qt. beer, I gill rum for do 8 

25. " breakfast, dinner, and supper for do 5 

" 2 q te beer, I gill rum, and I p 4 wine for 

do 2 6 

26. " breakfast, dinner, and supper for him, his 

wife, daughter, and 2 sons, @ \d. 6 6 

" I gill of rum and I qt. beer for do 8 

Carr d forw d 782 




1757. Bro* forw d 782 

Sept. 27. To breakfast for him, his wife, and the 2 

sons 2 2 

" dinner for his 2 children 8 

" YZ pint wine 9 

" 2 bowls of punch for him and his guests 2 

" 9> q ts of beer for do 3 2 

28. " breakfast, dinner, and supper, and 2 q te 

beer for himself, his wife and daugh 
ter, @ 6d,, and 2 sons, @ ^d. 7 2 

29. " breakfast, dinner, and supper, and I q l 

beer for him, his wife, and 2 children 5 4 

30. " breakfast, supper, and I y z qt. beer for do. 3 10 
" dinner for Teedyuscung s 2 children 

Oct. I. " dinner and supper for him, his wife, and 

2 children 3 4 

" 3 p ts beer and I gill rum for do 10 

2. " breakfast, dinner, and supper, and 5 p ts 

beer for do 5 Io 

" i p l of wine, 4^ gills rum, and 3^ q te 
beer deliv d for him and others on his 
sending 2 belts to Epulalohend to 
Diaogu 4 2 

3. " breakfast, dinner, and supper for him, 

his wife, and 2 children 5 

" 2^ q te beer, I gill rum for do I 2 

4. " breakfast, dinner, and supper, 3 qts. beer 

and 2 gills rum for do 4 

5. " breakfast, supper, ij qt. beer, ^ S 111 

rum for do 4 

6. " breakfast, dinner, and supper, and I gill 

rum for do 5 4 

7. " breakfast, dinner, and supper for his wife, 

daughter, and 2 child" 1 5 

8. " breakfast and supper for do 3 4 

9. " do. and do. for his wife and 2 

child..., 2 4 

Carr d forw d 10 18 



s. d. 

1757- Bro forw d 10 18 3 

Oct. 10. To breakfast, dinner, and supper for do 3 6 

" supper for Teedyuscung, and i other 

Indian x 

" 2 p ts wine and 2 q ts beer for do., on his 

return from Phila ^ $ 

11. " breakfast, dinner, and supper for him, his 

wife, and 2 children 5 

12. " do. do. do. and I gill rum for do., I p* 

beer 5 6 

13. " do. do. do. and I gill rum for do., hay 

for his horse 10 days and nights, from 
the 27 th Sept. to the 7 October, @ lod. 

p r day and night 8 4 

" 2 bush ls and 28 q te of oats for do., being 

deliv d in small measure by the hostler 1 1 6 

14. " breakfast, dinner, and supper for him, his 

wife, and 2 children 5 

15. " do. do. do. fordo 5 

16. " do. do. do. fordo r 

" 5 gills rum, 2 pints wine, and 4 qts. beer 

for do. and guests 6 

17. " breakfast for him, his wife and 2 children i 8 
" dinner and supper for his wife and 2 

children 2 4 

1 8. " supper for, him and his wife, and 2 chil 

dren, ^ p c wine, 2 q ts beer 2 9 

" breakfast and dinner for his wife and 2 

children 2 4 

19. " breakfast, dinner, and supper, and i gill 

of rum for him and do 5 4 

20. " breakfast, dinner, and supper, and 2 q ts 

beer and i gill rum for do 6 

21. " breakfast, dinner, and supper, and i gill 

rum for do c A 

22. " breakfast, dinner, and supper, for do c 

" 9 gills of rum and i q l beer for him and 14 

Indians, on rec 1 of Mr. Hughes letter.. 3 4 

Carr d forw d I Ir Io 


s. d. 

1757. Bro 4 forw d 15 n 10 

Oct. 22. To a meal and I gill of rum for an Indian, 
to his order, whom he sent to Pump- 
shire and Tatemy 10 

23. " breakfast and dinner for him, his wife, 

and 2 children 3 4 

" 23 gills rum and 3 q ts beer for him and 
his Indians, at their conclusion of 
going to Wayomig 8 8 

24. " breakfast, dinner, and supper, for him, 

his wife, and 2 children 5 

" 2 q ts beer and I gill rum for do I 

25. " breakfast and dinner for do 3 4 

" 2y^ q ts beer and 6 gills of rum for do., 

and other Indians 2 10 

26. " breakfast, dinner, and supper for do 5 

" 4^ q te beer and 3 gills rum for do 2 6 

27. " breakfast for do I 8 

"21 gills of rum for him and the other In 
dians that went with him to Wayomig 7 8 

" hay for horse 13 days and nights, @ lod. 
(los. lod.], and 3 bushl 5 of oats delivered 

in small measure by y e hostler I 2 10 

" dinner and supper for his wife and 2 

children 2 4 

" supper, y 2 gill rum, I p* beer for the Ind. 

that was sent by Teedyuscung for 

Bumshire 10 

28. " supper for Teedyuscung s wife and 2 

children I 2 

31. " dinner and supper for do 2 4 



Province of Pensilvania to the Stewards of Bethlehem, Dr. 

For sundries del d the Indians* opposite 

1757. Bethlehem since the 30 August last, viz.: s. d. 

Aug. 30. To 2 coffins I 

Oct. 31. " 3792 Ibs. bread, @ I ]^d. 19 15 

" 590^ Ibs. meal, @ $d. 7 7 7 

" 1 8 bushl 3 Indian corn, @ 3^., being of 

the old stock 2 14 

Carr d forw d 30 16 

* The wish that had been expressed by the Delaware King on the 
8th of September, to fix his residence at Bethlehem, during the winter, 
was granted, although reluctantly. He accordingly had a lodge built 
him near " The Crown." Here he held court and here he gave audi 
ence to the wild embassies that would come from the Indian country, 
from the land of the implacable Monsey, from the gates of Diahoga, 
and from the ultimate dim Thule of Alleghany or the Ohio country. 
Occasionally he would repair to Philadelphia or to the fort to confer 
with the Governor or with the commandant on the progress of the 
work of peace he was apparently solicitous of consummating without 
delay. Thus the dark winter months passed ; and when the swelling 
of maple buds and the whitening of the shad-bush on the river s bank 
foretokened the advent of spring, there were busy preparations going 
on in " Teedyuscung s company over the water," for their long-ex 
pected removal to the Indian Eldorado on the flats of the Winding 
River. Thus April passed ; and it was the sixteenth of corn-planting 
month, the month called TAUWINIPEN, when the Delaware King, his 
queen, his counselors and his warriors, led by the Commissioners, 
and under escort of fifty Provincials, took up the line of march for 
Fort Allen, beyond there to strike the Indian trail that led over the 
mountains, by way of Nescopeck, to Wyoming Valley. Nicodemus and 
his family were permitted by the Brethren to plant at Nazareth, Na 
thaniel at Gnadenthal, and Jonathan at the Friedensthal mill. 

And on the going out of these spirits "The Crown" was swept 
and garnished, and Ephraim Colver, the publican, had rest. 


s. d. 

Bro* forw d 30 16 

To 2 q ts linseed oil for lamps 2 

" i % bush 1 white meal, @ 4^ 5 

" y 2 bush 1 salt, @ $s 2 

" y 2 bush 1 beans, @ 4^ 2 

" 35^ gall, milk, @ 6</. 17 

" attending the above Indians each day 
since 30 last August, being 62 days, 

@ 6d. per day I n 

" fire wood since the 1 1 last April, being 

25 weeks for 10 fire places 2 10 

" boards, &c., railing, &c., to build a cabbin 

for Sam Evans 12 

36 19 
BETHLEHEM, 31 October, 1757. 

NOTE. Tapescawen^ noticed in foot-note on p. 299, was a brother of 
George Rex. The following is his account, copied from the day-book of 
the store kept at Gnadenhiitten, on the Mahoning, by Joseph Powell : 

1749- Tapescawen, Dr. s. d. 

II. To 2 yd s blew strouds 16 

" 3% vds checks, @ is. gd 6 i^ 

" 4 do. red strouds, @ 8s . i 12 

" 2^ do. blew do 18 

" 3 l /2 do. check, @ is. yd 16 \}/ 2 

" cash 152 

5 13 4/2 

1749- Tapescawen, Cr. 

any 6. By a beaver skin, weighs 2 Ibs, @ 6s 12 

" 6 drest deer skins 2 19 

" 2 fox skins, @ I s. 6d. 3 

" I beaver skin, 5 oz I 

" I wild-cat do 2 3 

" 2 drest deer skins I 15 3 

5 13 


Page 96. In 4th line from bottom, read Catawbas for Catawabas. 
Page 197. In I4th line from top, read aun for dim. 
Page 258. In 6th line from bottom, read Voucher 2 for Voucher i. 
Page 359. Add to note. The Mansion House at Pennsbury had 
been erected in 1683. 

An Index for vols. I. and II. will be furnished in the second volume 
of the series. 

rec d 

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